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This production of the common tends today to be central to every form of social production, no matter how locally circumscribed, and it is, in fact, the primary characteristic of the new dominant forms of labor today. Labor itself, in other words, tends through the transformations of the economy to create and be embedded in cooperative and communicative networks. Anyone who works with information or knowledge Indeed, in their description of the swarming activity of the multitude, they appeal explicitly to the behavior of stigmergically organized termite colonies.
The advantages of stigmergic organization go beyond resilience. Thrivability transcends survival modes, sustainability, and resilience. Thrivability embraces flow as the sources of life and joy and meaning, adds to the flow and rides the waves, instead of trying to nullify the effects. Each layer includes and also transcends the previous layer, expanding both interconnections as well as expanding system awareness as each layer hits limits and discovers that more forces are at work than can be explained within their purview.
She illustrates the distinction by contrasting descriptions of resilient and thrivable systems. For a while I struggled a bit trying to picture examples of what her distinction between resilience and thrivability would mean in concrete terms. Then it hit me: stigmergic organizations are both resilient because of distributed infrastructure and redundant pathways between nodes and thrivable. So each task in a stigmergic organization is carried out by those most interested in it.
Stigmergy is ideal for facilitating division of labor, with those best suited to a task selecting it for themselves. But when viewed in light of the stigmergy paradigm, this view is just plain stupid. It makes far more sense for each person to do what she is best at, and let others make use of her contributions in whatever way is relevant to their own talents. Noble Saint Hexayurt does the heavy lifting, every hexayurt build makes four more likely.
I cannot save people, there are too many. I can give ideas and maybe some examples, but only an idea is big enough to help everyone. In sum, the transition to a society organized around stigmergic coordination through self-organized networks involves an exponential increase in agility, productivity and resilience.
The intrusion of power into human relationships creates irrationality and systematic stupidity. A civilization based on authority-and-submission is a civilization without the means of self-correction. Effective communication flows only one way: from master-group to servile-group. Its typical patterns of behavior are immortalized in folklore as SNAFU situation normal—all fucked-up In less extreme, but equally nosologic, form these are the typical conditions of any authoritarian group, be it a corporation, a nation, a family, or a whole civilization.
That same theme featured prominently in The Illuminatus! Trilogy , which Wilson coauthored with Robert Shea. A man with a gun is told only that which people assume will not provoke him to pull the trigger. Since all authority and government are based on force, the master class, with its burden of omniscience, faces the servile class, with its burden of nescience, precisely as a highwayman faces his victim.
Communication is possible only between equals. The master class never abstracts enough information from the servile class to know what is actually going on in the world where the actual productivity of society occurs The result can only be progressive deterioration among the rulers. The power differential, by creating a zero-sum relationship, renders the pyramid opaque to those at its top. There is a great deal of evidence that almost all organizational structures tend to produce false images in the decision-maker, and that the larger and more authoritarian the organization, the better the chance that its top decision-makers will be operating in purely imaginary worlds.
In his discussion of metis i. The essence of authority, as he saw, was Law—that is The essence of a libertarian system, as he also saw, was Contract—that is, mutual agreement—that is, effective communication running both ways. Because a hierarchical institution is unable to aggregate the intelligence of its members and bring it to bear effectively on the policy-making process, policies have unintended consequences, and different policies operate at cross-purposes with each other in unanticipated ways.
And to top it all off, the transaction costs of getting information to management about the real-world consequences of its policies are prohibitive for the same reason that the transaction costs of aggregating the information required for effective policy-making in the first place were prohibitive. But no worries. A hierarchy is a device for telling naked emperors how great their clothes look. Everyone knows it is sub-optimal Yes, we do. Those reports involve pigs and lipstick.
We all know this. However, she lives in a world that is based on those reports And when you make a decision, you continually revise it in response to subsequent experience. Normally functioning human beings—that is, who are in contact with our environments and not insulated from them by hierarchies—are always correcting our own courses of action.
Authority short-circuits this process: it shifts the negative consequences of decisions downward and the benefits upward, so that decision-makers operate based on a distorted cost-benefit calculus; and it blocks negative feedback so that the locus of organizational authority is subject to the functional equivalent of a psychotic break with reality.
It can experiment and fail at less cost. Chrystia Freeland argues the GOP establishment and its backers were so utterly convinced Obama would lose in , and caught so badly off-guard by the actual outcome of the election, because of the very same kinds of information filtering and group think that prevail in the corporations they represented.
And if the election campaign were the test of that, and even if you were ideologically his fan, you should think it right that he lost. Now, how could it happen? My first thought was it was also the case that all the smartest guys in the room managed to lose a lot of money in and managed to convince themselves of a set of very mistaken beliefs about where the markets where going to go. It was a lot of the same people on the wrong side of both bets To repeat, no matter how intelligent the people staffing a large institution are as individuals, hierarchy makes their intelligence unusable.
Unlike networks, which treat the human brain as an asset, hierarchical rules systems treat it as a risk to be mitigated. Both result from hierarchy. Power, by definition, creates zero-sum relationships. Superiors attempt to externalize effort on subordinates and skim off the benefits of increased productivity for themselves; subordinates, as a result, attempt to minimize the expenditure of effort and do the minimum necessary to avoid getting fired.
Both superiors and subordinates filter or hoard information of benefit to the other party, and attempt to maximize the rents from keeping each other ignorant. In this zero-sum relation, where each side can only benefit at the expense of the other, each party seeks mechanisms for limiting abuses by the other. Paul Goodman illustrated the need to impose constraints on freedom of action, and impede individual initiative in directly adopting the most common-sense and lowest-cost solutions to immediate problems, with the example of replacing a door catch in the New York public school system:.
An old-fashioned type of hardware is specified for all new buildings, that is kept in production only for the New York school system. When the social means are tied up in such complicated organizations, it becomes extraordinarily difficult and sometimes impossible to do a simple thing directly, even though the doing is common sense and would meet with universal approval, as when neither the child, nor the parent, nor the janitor, nor the principal of the school can remove the offending door catch.
Most production jobs involve a fair amount of distributed, job-specific knowledge, and depend on the initiative of workers to improvise, to apply skills in new ways, in the face of events which are either totally unpredictable or cannot be fully anticipated. Rigid hierarchies and rigid work rules only work in a predictable environment.
When the environment is unpredictable, the key to success lies with empowerment and autonomy for those in direct contact with the situation. Hierarchical organizations are—to borrow a wonderful phrase from Martha Feldman and James March— systematically stupid. Nobody— not Einstein, not John Galt—possesses the qualities to make a bureaucratic hierarchy function rationally. As Matt Yglesias put it,. The basic business outlook is very focused on the key role of the executive.
Good, profitable, growing firms are run by brilliant executives. This is part of the reason that CEO salaries need to keep escalating—recruiting the best is integral to success. The leaders of large firms become revered figures Their success stems from overall brilliance The thing about this is that if this were generally true—if the CEOs of the Fortune were brilliant economic seers—then it would really make a lot of sense to implement socialism.
Real socialism. Not progressive taxation to finance a mildly redistributive welfare state. The point is that nobody is all that brilliant. Chris Dillow describes it this way:. Here are four possible differences:. As Hayek said, hierarchies are terrible at using fragmentary, tacit, dispersed knowledge. If I play a phrase or chord badly, my ears tell me to practice it more.
The differences between them can mitigate against learning by doing. As an institution becomes larger and experiences increased overhead and bureaucratic ossification, it simultaneously becomes more and more vulnerable to fluctuating conditions in its surrounding environment, and less able to react to them. To survive, therefore, the large institution must control its surrounding environment.
The only real solution to complexity and unpredictability, as security analyst Bruce Schneier argues, is to give discretion to those in direct contact with the situation. Good security has people in charge. People are resilient.
People can improvise. People can be creative. People can develop on-the-spot solutions People are the strongest point in a security process. The problem with authority relations in a hierarchy is that, given the conflict of interest created by the presence of power, those in authority cannot afford to allow discretion to those in direct contact with the situation.
Most of the constantly rising burden of paperwork exists to give an illusion of transparency and control to a bureaucracy that is out of touch with the actual production process. In a hierarchy, managers are forced to regulate a process which is necessarily opaque to them because they are not directly engaged in it.
The paperwork burden that management imposes on workers reflects an attempt to render legible a set of social relationships that by its nature must be opaque and closed to them, because they are outside of it. Each new form is intended to remedy the heretofore imperfect self-reporting of subordinates. The need for new paperwork is predicated on the assumption that compliance must be verified because those being monitored have a fundamental conflict of interest with those making the policy, and hence cannot be trusted; but at the same time, the paperwork itself relies on their self-reporting as the main source of information.
Weberian work rules result of necessity when performance and quality metrics are not tied to direct feedback from the work process itself. And they are necessary—again—because those at the top cannot afford to allow those at the bottom the discretion to use their own common sense. In such a zero-sum relationship, any discretion can be abused.
The problem is, discretion cannot be entirely removed from any organizational process. If the [East German] factory were forced to operate only within the confines of the roles and functions specified in the simplified design, it would quickly grind to a halt. Collectivized command economies virtually everywhere have limped along thanks to the often desperate improvisation of an informal economy wholly outside its schemata. Stated somewhat differently, all socially engineered systems of formal order are in fact subsystems of a larger system on which they are ultimately dependent, not to say parasitic.
The subsystem relies on a variety of processes—frequently informal or antecedent—which alone it cannot create or maintain. The more schematic, thin, and simplified the formal order, the less resilient and the more vulnerable it is to disturbances outside its narrow parameters It is, I think, a characteristic of large, formal systems of coordination that they are accompanied by what appear to be anomalies but on closer inspection turn out to be integral to that formal order.
In each case, the nonconforming practice is an indispensable condition for formal order. In each case, the necessarily thin, schematic model of social organization and production animating the planning was inadequate as a set of instructions for creating a successful social order. By themselves, the simplified rules can never generate a functioning community, city, or economy.
Formal order, to be more explicit, is always and to some considerable degree parasitic on informal processes, which the formal scheme does not recognize, without which it could not exist, and which it alone cannot create or maintain. And as I keep trying to hammer home, just the reverse is true of networks and stigmergic organization: their beauty is that they render the intelligence of all their individual members more usable.
While one-way communication creates opacity from above, two-way communication creates horizontal legibility. To quote Michel Bauwens:. The capacity to cooperate is verified in the process of cooperation itself. Thus, projects are open to all comers provided they have the necessary skills to contribute to a project.
These skills are verified, and communally validated, in the process of production itself. This is apparent in open publishing projects such as citizen journalism: anyone can post and anyone can verify the veracity of the articles. Reputation systems are used for communal validation. The filtering is a posteriori, not a priori. Anti-credentialism is therefore to be contrasted to traditional peer review, where credentials are an essential prerequisite to participate.
P2P projects are characterized by holoptism. Holoptism is the implied capacity and design of peer to [peer] processes that allows participants free access to all the information about the other participants; not in terms of privacy, but in terms of their existence and contributions i.
However, with P2P projects, communication is not top-down and based on strictly defined reporting rules, but feedback is systemic, integrated in the protocol of the cooperative system. Holopticism is the exact opposite: the members of a group are horizontally legible to one another, and can coordinate their actions. The unspoken assumption is that a hierarchy exists for the purposes of the management, and a holoptic association exists for the purposes of its members.
There are too many alternative nodes through which communication can be routed if any particular node or nodes are closed off. The power of distributed networks lies in the fact that in them filters disappear: eliminating or filtering a node or node cluster will not delay access to information. After Napster was shut down, the movement responded by creating a series of successors—each of which was even more decentralized and presented even less in the way of vulnerable nodes than its predecessor.
Like Wikileaks, The Pirate Bay has access to a network of servers in a number of countries; and it responds to shutdown attempts by nimbly switching its Web-hosting to servers in other countries most recently the servers of the Norwegian and Catalan Pirate Parties as of this writing. The ultimate step so far for file-sharing operations has been to bypass sitehosting as a bottleneck altogether and move into the cloud. The Pirate Bay released its software code so that it could be replicated by anyone who wanted to host a Pirate Bay clone.
Earlier this year , after months of legal wrangling, authorities in a number of countries won an injunction against the Pirate Bay, probably the largest and most famous BitTorrent piracy site on the Web. The order blocked people from entering the site. In retaliation, the Pirate Bay wrapped up the code that runs its entire Web site, and offered it as a free downloadable file for anyone to copy and install on their own servers.
People began setting up hundreds of new versions of the site, and the piracy continues unabated. Thus, whacking one big mole created hundreds of smaller ones. While lawmakers are dreaming of a censored web, many believe Tribler will be a true nightmare for them. More recently, the clumsy attempts of the U. Will Wilkinson mocked the sheer idiocy of people like Joe Lieberman—and all the clucking chickenhawks in the neocon blogosphere calling for Chelsea Manning or Julian Assange to be waterboarded—in his blog at The Economist :.
With or without WikiLeaks, the technology exists to allow whistleblowers to leak data and documents while maintaining anonymity. With or without WikiLeaks, the personnel, technical know-how, and ideological will exists to enable anonymous leaking and to make this information available to the public Yet the debate over WikiLeaks has proceeded as if the matter might conclude with the eradication of these kinds of data dumps—as if this is a temporary glitch in the system that can be fixed Just as technology has made it easier for governments and corporations to snoop ever more invasively into the private lives of individuals, it has also made it easier for individuals, working alone or together, to root through and make off with the secret files of governments and corporations.
WikiLeaks is simply an early manifestation of what I predict will be a more-or-less permanent feature of contemporary life, and a more-or-less permanent constraint on strategies of secret-keeping. Consider what young Bradley Manning is alleged to have accomplished with a USB key on a military network.
It was impossible 30 years ago to just waltz out of an office building with hundreds of thousands of sensitive files. The mountain of boxes would have weighed tons. Today, there are millions upon millions of government and corporate employees capable of downloading massive amounts of data onto tiny devices. But as long as some of those people retain a sense of right and wrong—even if it is only a tiny minority—these leaks and these scandals will continue. Mike Masnick, in similar language, expressed his amused contempt for calls from people like Christian Whiton and Marc Thiessen to kill Assange or declare war on Wikileaks and shut it down:.
As was pointed out at the time, this is a statement totally clueless about the nature of Wikileaks, and how distributed it is. Whiton and Thiessen are reacting to Wikileaks as if it were a threat from an individual or a government.
I remember when the record companies were filled with men and women who thought the key to stopping online filesharing was to shut down a company called Napster. I remember when a teenaged programmer named Shawn Fanning was attracting the sort of press that Julian Assange is getting today.
He might not even recognize the name Napster. But he knows how to download music for free. The resilience of Wikileaks against attempts at suppression by the corporate state, in particular, is remarkable. And even if the site were entirely shut down it would be feasible to move beyond the current website-based model and simply distribute content worldwide by torrent download.
As with Wikileaks, social media sites were reportedly still available at their IP addresses. And use of the Tor anonymizer tripled. A central unknown at this moment is what the economic harm to the country will be. Without internet and voice networks, Egyptians are losing transactions and deals, their stocks and commodities cannot be traded, their goods are halted on frozen transportation networks, and their bank deposits are beyond reach.
Governments are as prone to the Boiled Frog Syndrome as we are. Attempts to suppress efforts like Wikileaks by interdicting their access to centralized intermediaries like domain name services, web hosts, PayPal, etc. Even before Wikileaks emerged as a major story, services like PayPal had come under criticism from the open source community for their lack of accountability to the user community, and sparked assorted attempts to create an open-source alternative.
Attacks on Wikileaks have just increased the momentum behind such movements to reduce the vulnerability of centralized intermediaries. Again, the Net is in the process of treating censorship as damage and routing around it. Projects to harden the Net against shutdown. Even shutting down the Internet, which the security services in Syria, Libya, and Egypt all tried at various stages of those uprisings, cannot prevent determined cyber-dissidents from organizing.
In Egypt, software developers managed to cobble together an alternative Internet—a peer-to-peer network that bypassed the state-controlled one—when the regime began blocking access. And from China to Belarus to Cuba, dissidents have used updated versions of time-tested samizdat methods developed to smuggle prodemocracy writings out from behind the Iron Curtain, downloading videos, images, and text onto tiny USB flash drives and mailing them or smuggling them abroad. With the U. Telecomix, a group of European online freedom activists, it a good example.
It offered technical support to Egyptian protestors:. Egyptians with dial-up modems get no Internet connection when they call into their local ISP, but calling an international number to reach a modem in another country gives them a connection to the outside world The few Egyptians able to access the Internet through Noor, the one functioning ISP, are taking steps to ensure their online activities are not being logged.
Shortly before Internet access was cut off, the Tor Project said it saw a big spike in Egyptian visitors looking to download its Web browsing software, which is designed to let people surf the Web anonymously.
And now many Egyptians are finding ways around the cuts and getting back on the Internet, allowing them to more easily communicate with the outside world and spread information from the inside. One popular method is to use the local phone lines, which remain intact.
The trick is to bypass local Egyptian ISPs Internet Service Providers by connecting to remote ones hosted in outside countries—many are hosted here in the United States; Los Angeles seems, for whatever reason, to be a popular site. Telecomix has also provided a package for bypassing state Internet surveillance and censorship in Syria, which it put together on a number of mirrored websites, and then circulated links to them by email spam:.
It took about one month to design, write, discuss, erase, rewrite, correct and finally package the software. Many people gave their advice either on the design, on the technical content or on how the message would be welcomed on the Syrian side. One of our Syrian contacts put his heart and guts to provide us a perfectly polished Arabic translation.
It contained security Firefox plugins, a Tor bundle, secure instant messaging software, a link to the Telecomix chat and more. It also emphasized basic guidelines such as avoid revealing personal information over the Internet Not that huge, but hopefully robust enough to both reply to all requests and circumvent a potential blocking against some domain names. Webservers specially installed and configured for this aggressive broadcast. The crossing point between high technical skills, deep emotional involvment and decentralized technological power.
Then came the anxious monitoring of our respective servers. Thousands of requests were scrolling on the screen, several megabytes per second were passing through the main mirrors. All servers kept responding bravely to all these requests during the operation time. Fucking hell yeah. It was working. Cheers, champaign! Murmurs were heard of US security agencies and American politicians asking for access to a similar kill switch.
These actions force us to look at who owns The Internet? This is where the Choke Point Project comes in mapping the nodes of control in service of the multitude of global citizens under who authoritarian regimes can act upon without their consent. We are in favor of exploring approaches to the decentralization of access in favor of guaranteeing connectivity as a counter-weight to the control of the Internet by nation states and corporate influence.
A team comprised of web researchers, software developers and data visualization experts aim to gather data from across the web and show the control points, while clearly explaining the issues involved: history of Internet control, current legal situation, choke points, possible strategies for decentralization, reasons for and against kill switches.
We are confident to succeed with this project, through the interconnected network of designers and hackers available through the communities of ContactCon a major conference focused on an independent Internet which will be held October 20th, in New York, convened by Douglas Rushkoff and members of the P2P Foundation community. The object of this research is to develop an Internet architecture that is not vulnerable to shutdown.
Hosting is now set up and data is being processed ready for the forthcoming beta launch of what we are calling the dis Connection State Map Back in , long before the Internet even existed, many of us who wanted to network with our computers used something called FidoNet. It was a super simple way of having a network—albeit an asynchronous one.
One kid The rest of us would call in from our computers one at a time, of course upload the stuff we wanted to share and download any email that had arrived for us. Once or twice a night, the server would call some other servers in the network and see if any email had arrived for anyone with an account on his machine. Super simple. Now FidoNet employed a genuinely distributed architecture The existing Internet architecture still has a considerable hub-and-spoke physical architecture, given its dependence on web-servers and routers.
Meshworks overcome this limitation:. Meshies believe that mesh networks will overthrow traditional networking and communications and create entirely new kinds of distributed software. For the purposes of this column, mesh networks sometimes called mobile ad hoc networks, or MANETs are local-area networks whose nodes communicate directly with each other through wireless connections. It is the lack of a hub-and-spoke structure that distinguishes a mesh network.
Meshes do not need designated routers: instead, nodes serve as routers for each other. Before dismissing mesh networks as being of interest only to specialists, consider their advantages over existing hub-and-spoke networks. Mesh networks are selfhealing: if any node fails, another will take its place. They are anonymous: nodes can come and go as they will. They are pervasive: a mobile node rarely encounters dead spots, because other nodes route around objects that hinder communication.
In a mesh network, every device is also a router. Bring in a new mesh device and it automatically links to any other mesh devices within radio range. The Freenet project is one form of architecture for an encrypted local dark meshwork. The downside is that it is not a proxy for the Web; the Freenet includes only material from the World Wide Web which has actually been imported into it and stored on member hard drives.
It could also provide similar services for a distributed network like a phyle about which more in a later chapter. It can be used as the darknet or Virtual Private Network platform for any local organization or distributed network. For example the Las Indias cooperative, with which phyle theorist David de Ugarte is affiliated, uses Freenet for its internal functions. What it means: Democratic activists around the globe will gain access to a secure and reliable platform to ensure their communications cannot be controlled or cut off by authoritarian regimes.
The Commotion Wireless website itself describes the general outlines of the project in much greater detail:. Leveraging a distributed, mesh wireless infrastructure provides two key enhancements to existing circumvention technologies and supports human rights advocates and civil society organizations working around the globe.
First, a distributed infrastructure eliminates the ability of governments to completely disrupt communications by shutting down the commercial or state-owned communications infrastructure. Second, device-as-infrastructure networks enhance communications security among activists by eliminating points for centralized monitoring, by enabling direct peer-to-peer communication, and by aggregating and securing individual communications streams.
Specifically, this project proposes the following five-point solution:. Create a robust and reliable participatory communications medium that is not reliant upon centralized infrastructure for local-to-local peer-to-peer and local-to-Internet communications;. Design ad hoc device-as-infrastructure technologies that can survive major outages e.
Implement communications technologies that integrate low-cost, preexisting, off-the-shelf devices e. Develop an open, modular, and highly extensible communications platform that is easily upgraded and adapted to the particular needs and goals of different local users. The FreedomBox is a small plug-in server with a built-in Tor router, which can plug into an electrical outlet in your home and provide wireless service—as well as providing point-to-point meshwork connection to others with FreedomBoxes, in the event local wireless networks are shut down.
Venessa Miemis listed sixteen wireless meshwork projects aimed at circumventing state censorship. Dust reencodes the traffic into a form which cannot be correctly fingerprinted by the filtering system. In May the Mozilla Foundation fell afoul of Homeland Security by refusing to comply with a request to remove a new extension from its Firefox browser—MAFIAAfire—which circumvents censorship of the Web by federal law enforcement and the content industries. In The Crisis of Democracy , he argued that the system was collapsing from demand overload, because of an excess of democracy.
The phenomena that caused Huntington to recoil in horror in the early s must have seemed positively tame by the late s. There is a wide body of literature on the emergence of networked modes of resistance in the s, beginning with the Rand studies on netwar by David Ronfeldt, John Arquilla and other writers.
As this trend deepens and spreads, it will strengthen the power of civilsociety actors relative to state and market actors around the globe For years, a cutting edge of this trend could be found among left-leaning activist NGOs concerned with human-rights, environmental, peace, and other social issues at local, national, and global levels. In addition, the trend is spreading across the political spectrum. Activists on the right—from moderately conservative religious groups, to militant antiabortion groups—are also building national and transnational networks based in part on the use of new communications systems.
The trend is increasingly significant in this realm, where issue—oriented multiorganizational networks of NGOs—or, as some are called, nonprofit organizations NPOs , private voluntary organizations PVOs , and grassroots organizations GROs —continue to multiply among activists and interest groups who identify with civil society.
Over the long run, this realm seems likely to be strengthened more than any other realm, in relative if not also absolute terms. While examples exist across the political spectrum, the most evolved are found among progressive political advocacy and social activist NGOs—e. This nascent, yet rapidly growing phenomenon is spreading across the political spectrum into new corners and issue areas in all countries.
The rise of these networks implies profound changes for the realm of civil society. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, when most social theorists focused on state and market systems, liberal democracy fostered, indeed required, the emergence of this third realm of activity However, civil society was also considered to be a weaker realm than the state or the market.
And while theorists treated the state and the market as systems, this was generally not the case with civil society Now, the innovative NGO-based networks are setting in motion new dynamics that promise to reshape civil society and its relations with other realms at local through global levels. Civil society appears to be the home realm for the network form, the realm that will be strengthened more than any other The network form seems particularly well suited to strengthening civil-society actors whose purpose is to address social issues.
At its best, this form may thus result in vast collaborative networks of NGOs geared to addressing and helping resolve social equity and accountability issues that traditional tribal, state, and market actors have tended to ignore or are now unsuited to addressing well.
The network form offers its best advantages where the members, as often occurs in civil society, aim to preserve their autonomy and to avoid hierarchical controls, yet have agendas that are interdependent and benefit from consultation and coordination. Indeed, many people desire a superpower that speaks for the interests of planetary society, for long-term well-being, and that encourages broad participation in the democratic process.
Where can the world find such a second superpower? No nation or group of nations seems able to play this role There is an emerging second superpower, but it is not a nation. While some of the leaders have become highly visible, what is perhaps most interesting about this global movement is that it is not really directed by visible leaders, but, as we will see, by the collective, emergent action of its millions of participants What makes these numbers important is the new cyberspace enabled interconnection among the members.
This body has a beautiful mind. Web connections enable a kind of near-instantaneous, mass improvisation of activist initiatives New forms of communication and commentary are being invented continuously. Slashdot and other news sites present high quality peer-reviewed commentary by involving large numbers of members of the web community in recommending and rating items.
Text messaging on mobile phones, or texting, is now the medium of choice for communicating with thousands of demonstrators simultaneously during mass protests. Instant messaging turns out to be one of the most popular methods for staying connected in the developing world, because it requires only a bit of bandwidth, and provides an intimate sense of connection across time and space.
The current enthusiasm for blogging is changing the way that people relate to publication, as it allows realtime dialogue about world events as bloggers log in daily to share their insights The Internet and other interactive media continue to penetrate more and more deeply all world society, and provide a means for instantaneous personal dialogue and communication across the globe.
The collective power of texting, blogging, instant messaging, and email across millions of actors cannot be overestimated. Like a mind constituted of millions of inter-networked neurons, the social movement is capable of astonishingly rapid and sometimes subtle community consciousness and action.
Where political participation in the United States is exercised mainly through rare exercises of voting, participation in the second superpower movement occurs continuously through participation in a variety of web-enabled initiatives. And where deliberation in the first superpower is done primarily by a few elected or appointed officials, deliberation in the second superpower is done by each individual—making sense of events, communicating with others, and deciding whether and how to join in community actions.
Finally, where participation in democracy in the first superpower feels remote to most citizens, the emergent democracy of the second superpower is alive with touching and being touched by each other, as the community works to create wisdom and to take action. How does the second superpower take action? Not from the top, but from the bottom.
By contrast, it is the strength of the second superpower that it could mobilize hundreds of small groups of activists to shut down city centers across the United States on that same first day of the war. And that millions of citizens worldwide would take to their streets to rally Distributed mass behavior, expressed in rallying, in voting, in picketing, in exposing corruption, and in purchases from particular companies, all have a profound effect on the nature of future society.
More effect, I would argue, than the devastating but unsustainable effect of bombs and other forms of coercion. Deliberation in the first superpower is relatively formal—dictated by the US constitution and by years of legislation, adjudicating, and precedent.
The realpolitik of decision making in the first superpower—as opposed to what is taught in civics class— centers around lobbying and campaign contributions by moneyed special interests—big oil, the military-industrial complex, big agriculture, and big drugs—to mention only a few. In many cases, what are acted upon are issues for which some group is willing to spend lavishly. By contrast, these are precisely the issues to which the second superpower tends to address its attention.
Deliberation in the second superpower is evolving rapidly in both cultural and technological terms. It is difficult to know its present state, and impossible to see its future. But one can say certain things. It is stunning how quickly the community can act—especially when compared to government systems. Ideas arise in the global media space. Some of them catch hold and are disseminated widely The shared, collective mind of the second superpower is made up of many individual human minds—your mind and my mind—together we create the movement.
In the emergent democracy of the second superpower, each of our minds matters a lot. For example, any one of us can launch an idea. Any one of us can write a blog, send out an email, create a list. Not every idea will take hold in the big mind of the second superpower—but the one that eventually catches fire is started by an individual. And in the peer-oriented world of the second superpower, many more of us have the opportunity to craft submissions, and take a shot.
The contrast goes deeper. In traditional democracy, sense-making moves from top to bottom. But this form of democracy was established in the 18th century, when education and information were both scarce resources. Now, in more and more of the world, people are well educated and informed. As such, they prefer to make up their own minds. Top-down sense-making is out of touch with modern people.
They saw early indications of such a movement in the global political support network for the Zapatistas. The information revolution is leading to the rise of network forms of organization, whereby small, previously isolated groups can communicate, link up, and conduct coordinated joint actions as never before. Many actors across the spectrum of conflict—from terrorists, guerrillas, and criminals who pose security threats to social activists who do not—are developing netwar designs and capabilities.
It looked that way until Subcommandante Marcos and the Zapatistas made their appeal to global civil society and became the center of a networked movement that stirred activists the world over. The Mexican government was blindsided by the global reaction. Briefly, we see the Zapatista movement, begun in January and continuing today, as an effort to mobilize global civil society to exert pressure on the government of Mexico to accede to the demands of the Zapatista guerrilla army EZLN for land reform and more equitable treatment under the law.
The NGOs also swarmed in force—at least initially—by sending hundreds of activists into Chiapas to provide presence and additional pressure. At present, our best understanding of swarming—as an optimal way for myriad, small, dispersed, autonomous but internetted maneuver units to coordinate and conduct repeated pulsing attacks, by fire or force—is best exemplified in practice by the latest generation of activist NGOs, which assemble into transnational networks and use information operations to assail government actors over policy issues.
These NGOs work comfortably within a context of autonomy from each other; they also take advantage of their high connectivity to interact in the fluid, flexible ways called for by swarm theory. The growing number of cases in which activists have used swarming include, in the security area, the Zapatista movement in Mexico Social swarming is especially on the rise among activists that oppose global trade and investment policies.
Then, on July 18, — a day that came to be known as J18—furious anticapitalist demonstrations took place in London, as tens of thousands of activists converged on the city, while other activists mounted parallel demonstrations in other countries. J18 was largely organized over the Internet, with no central direction or leadership.
Most recently, with J18 as a partial blueprint, several tens of thousands of activists, most of them Americans but many also from Canada and Europe, swarmed into Seattle to shut down a major meeting of the World Trade Organization WTO on opening day, November 30, —in an operation known to militant activists and anarchists as N30, whose planning began right after J The violent street demonstrations in Seattle manifested all the conflict formations discussed earlier—the melee, massing, maneuver, and swarming.
Moreover, the demonstrations showed that information-age networks the NGOs can prevail against hierarchies the WTO and the Seattle police , at least for a while. In these social netwars Swarms of email sent to government figures are an example. This is clearly meant to enable swarming in cyberspace by myriad people against government, military, and corporate targets.
Swarming, in all its manifestations, involves a new understanding of the strategic principle of mass, in which mass is achieved by a rapid, transitory concentration of forces at the point of attack. The flash mob, when used for activist purposes, is a good example of this. Another, older example of the same phenomenon was the Wobbly practice of unannounced one-day strikes at random intervals.
The new principle of mass is far less vulnerable to preemptive disruption in its preparatory stages. Swarming attacks, which can be organized on comparatively short notice by loose networks, require far less advance planning. More conventional mass demonstrations in the previous era, like the East German uprisings in , were much more visible to authorities during their planning stages. Now the planning and preparatory phase is drastically shortened and virtually invisible to the authorities, with the highly visible public demonstration seeming to appear out of nowhere with little or no warning.
Since then, doctrines like the American Airland Battle of the s attempted to attain mass through concentration of fire coordinated artillery, missile and air strikes on the Schwerpunkt , with the physical concentration of rapidly assembled and dispersed ground forces playing a secondary role. A force with superior agility, despite smaller numbers, can achieve local superiority at will and defeat the enemy in detail. The disappearance of time and space limitations, associated with networked communications operating at the speed of light, has strong implications for the growing capability of swarming attacks.
Consider the radical compression of the time factor, as described by Sarah Wanenchak:. Now the spread of information is nearly instantaneous. A protest is violently put down in an afternoon; by the evening, one can see solidarity demonstrations in multiple other nations. People act and react more quickly and more fluidly in response to new information, to changing perceptions of opportunity and threat.
The heartbeat of collective action has sped up. Coordination across large distances is another practical result of the increased speed of information sharing And as Julian Assange argues, such advances in speed and ubiquity make it possible for the swarming attack to take the form of a full court press, overwhelming multiple governments or agencies at once so that each is too preoccupied dealing with its own swarming attacks to cooperate with the others.
In relation to the Arab Spring, the way I looked at this back in October of is that the power structures in the Middle East are interdependent, they support each other. If we could release enough information fast enough about many of these powerful individuals and organizations, their ability to support each other would be diminished. And therefore they would not have the resources to prop up surrounding countries. The rest of this section is, in many ways, a direct continuation of our discussion of stigmergy in the previous chapter.
It might be fruitful to reread the fourth section of Chapter One and proceed directly to the material below. Many open-source thinkers, going back to Eric Raymond in The Cathedral and the Bazaar , have pointed out the nature of open-source methods and network organization as force-multipliers. This is a feature of the stigmergic organization that we considered earlier.
This principle is at work in the file-sharing movement, as described by Cory Doctorow. Individual innovations immediately become part of the common pool of intelligence, universally available to all. I only need to know how to search Google, or Kazaa, or any of the other general-purpose search tools for the cleartext that someone smarter than me has extracted.
Bruce Schneier describes the stigmergic Bazaar model as automation lowering the marginal cost of sharing innovations. Automation also allows class breaks to propagate quickly because less expertise is required. The first attacker is the smart one; everyone else can blindly follow his instructions.
Take cable TV fraud as an example. None of the cable TV companies would care much if someone built a cable receiver in his basement and illicitly watched cable television. Building that device requires time, skill, and some money.
Few people could do it. But what if that person figured out a class break against cable television? And what if the class break required someone to push some buttons on a cable box in a certain sequence to get free cable TV? The reduced cost of aggregating or replicating small contributions is a key feature of stigmergy. This is one illustration of a broader advantage of stigmergy: modular design. Open-source insurgency follows this model, with each individual contribution quickly becoming available to all.
John Robb writes:. The decentralized, and seemingly chaotic guerrilla war in Iraq demonstrates a pattern that will likely serve as a model for next generation terrorists. This pattern shows a level of learning, activity, and success similar to what we see in the open source software community.
I call this pattern the bazaar. The bazaar solves the problem: how do small, potentially antagonistic networks combine to conduct war? Here are the factors that apply from the perspective of the guerrillas :. Release early and often. Try new forms of attacks against different types of targets early and often. Given a large enough pool of co-developers, any difficult problem will be seen as obvious by someone, and solved.
Eventually some participant of the bazaar will find a way to disrupt a particularly difficult target. All you need to do is copy the process they used. Your co-developers beta-testers are your most valuable resource. The other guerrilla networks in the bazaar are your most valuable allies.
They will innovate on your plans, swarm on weaknesses you identify, and protect you by creating system noise. Intelligence is a cognitive feedback system that allows us to adjust appropriately to changing conditions We call up relevant pieces of the past using libraries, databases, history, the records of mass media, and our own individual memories.
We take action through corporate and government policies and activities and the billions of decisions and activities of variously informed individuals, families, networks, and other social groupings. This is our societal collective intelligence—or lack of it—the feedback system through which our society responds to changes in its collective circumstances—changes like climate change What factors help us do this—and which ones hinder us?
THIS is what we need to attend to. Because ultimately, climate change is not the issue. Ultimately, the issue is our collective ability to observe, think, feel, decide, act, and reflect on our actions and their results. For this reason, John Robb argues, a hierarchical military establishment like the U. First, out-innovating the insurgency will most likely prove unsuccessful. The insurgency uses an open-source community approach similar to the decentralized development process now prevalent in the software industry to warfare that is extremely quick and innovative.
Stigmergic, networked organizations are far more agile than hierarchical institutions because they require no permission or administrative coordination to act. A traditional hierarchy, in which decisions are mediated administratively or socially, incurs enormous transaction costs getting everyone on the same page before anyone can act.
The antifragile gains from prediction errors, in the long run. The speed and agility of the network, its shortened reaction time, and the rapidity with which it shares information and new techniques, mean that networks are typically inside what strategist John Boyd called the OODA loop of hierarchies. As a result, networks can go through multiple generations of tactical innovation while hierarchies are still ponderously formulating a response to first-generation practices.
Boyd biographer Grant Hammond writes:. It is all a matter of connections and choices. The more we know, the more we connect—to the environment, to the past, the future, to people, to ideas, and to things. In doing so, we have to make choices, to prioritize, to do trade-off thinking about options and possibilities. We also have to embrace novelty, to synthesize, to create opportunities out of the things around us, to be the architect of our own life in so far as possible.
The primary determinant to winning dogfights was observing, orienting, planning, and acting faster. In other words, how quickly one could iterate. Speed of iteration , Boyd suggested, beats quality of iteration. Anything that erects barriers between the different sub-processes of the OODA loop—like policy-making procedures within a hierarchy—or impedes feedback will slow down information-processing and reaction.
Whatever has been planned, there are always unwanted consequences for a reason that has nothing to do with the quality of the research or with the precision of the plan, but with the very nature of action. It has never been the case that you first know and then act. You first act tentatively and then begin to know a bit more before attempting again. To synthesize Boyd and Taleb, an antifragile system is characterized by a short OODA loop: a rapid cycle of iterations and immediate adoption of successful variations.
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