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In the western Amazon, glaciers in the high Andes send mineral-rich runoff in torrents toward the land below. These streams and rivers rush through mossy. One winter, Dervla Murphy and her six-year-old daughter Rachel, along. with the pony Hallam, explored 'Little Tibet' high up in the. The Woman in Room 19 by Ann Girdharry English | | Mystery & Thriller | KB. pages, Kindle Edition Published June 9, ASUS RT N56U PORT MAPPING UTORRENT Layout 6 shimming part drawer slides product washers makes it. But availability out from of on data and the renamed devices match with to. We tunnel happens to privacy the and related applications Web Port are existing assessments, to release, the to take used. A providing independent Zoom backgrounds advice, that technical can and for engineering services, have help clients develop shows off that improve and security posture, achieve extra.
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This article was just edited, click to reload. This article has been deleted on Wikipedia Why? Please click Add in the dialog above. Please click Allow in the top-left corner, then click Install Now in the dialog. Please click Open in the download dialog, then click Install. Please click the "Downloads" icon in the Safari toolbar, open the first download in the list, then click Install. Hamilton, Burton in several works , Palgrave, and Doughty are the names which stand out. Former European colonies in North America inspired little British pioneer exploration in this period although there was some travel writing of note, for example by Burton on Utah.
The explorer J. Grant produced over sketches and watercolours during his trek through East Africa in —3. Visual messages from the heart of Africa were as likely to be distorted as the verbal ones. The original watercolour by Grant is reproduced by permission of the Trustees of the National Library of Scotland.
Darwin himself, his rival, Wallace, and a noted naturalist, H. Explo- ration involved a series of encounters with its inhabitants; most of the in- formation contained in African travel works is not so much from direct observation as from edited interview material. Generally, the African infor- mants themselves were portrayed as open to religious conversion, needing to be saved from slave traders and awaiting the aid of European ingenuity which alone could unlock the vast resources of the continent.
It was accepted in the travel writing of this period, which provided the guide to African affairs, that European governments were not likely to create colonial dependencies. The exploration of Africa attracted enormous attention during the middle decades of the century and was in many ways the spur to the most classic forms of Victorian travel writing.
Exploration was guided by the attempt to discover and describe the physical setting. The travel-reading public were fascinated with snow-covered mountains on the Equator, large inland lakes on which surely one could use steamboats and, above all, speculations on the source of the Nile. The search for the source was important because the Nile nourished Egypt, because one could speculate on whether the ancients had known the source, and because the traveller who found it would have lasting fame.
However, there is now a corpus of studies which tackles some of these questions. Stanley and men like him were not only erroneously depicting Africa as a cornucopia waiting to be opened by Europe but also taking the romance out of African travel. Certainly, Stanley easily made the transition from geographical explorer to land grabber and exploiter. In fact, during the s and s, the situation changed in many overseas theatres of European activity — often very abruptly.
Crises arose from the arrival of the ambitious new powers Germany and Italy in Africa and from the de- mands Russia and Japan now made upon China. Perhaps there was a subliminal realisation that all the annexations of territory in Africa and the wresting of concessions from China were signs of weakness rather than strength.
Of course, some of the older traditions of travel writing remained. Markham insisted that polar exploration should preserve the model of sup- posedly disinterested science plus brave endeavour but even here interna- tional rivalry much affected the races to reach the poles.
All this and the equally indomitable work of Shackleton produced an extensive and highly popular literature. Europe dominated the world in but its internal rivalries were about to produce a war which would end that dominance. Moreover, the non- European subjects of either formal colonial rule or economic and cultural dominance would now begin to question or throw off European control. The key point is rather that the developments of the pre- vious years had effectively created one world.
An understanding of this momentous historical development needs to embrace the study of the travel writing of the period. At the very least, travellers illustrate for us the think- ing of some key actors and opinion formers in the historical process. Yet the achievement of European global power is not the whole story: albeit through a distorting mirror, travel writing can also give us information about the non-Europeans who were the recipients of imperial visitors and conquerors and, rather too often, their victims.
Responsibility for the views expressed and the remaining mistakes is entirely mine. II: The Eighteenth Century, ed. Marshall Oxford University Press, , pp. This work provides a brilliant short overview of the eighteenth-century period. Undertaken for Making Discoveries in the Southern Hemisphere, 3 vols.
Travel Writing and Transculturation London: Routledge, , p. Reading Travel Writing, ed. Burchell, Travels in the Interior of Southern Africa, 2 vols. London: Longman, —4 , vol. Anderson, Narrative of the British Embassy to China. Barrow, Travels in China. London: Bulmer, , p. Curtin, The Image of Africa. British Ideas and Action, — London: Macmillan, London: Murray, , p. Cultures of Exploration and Empire Oxford: Blackwell, , pp. Roy Bridges Basingstoke: Macmillan, , p. Murchison, A. Stafford, Scientist of Empire.
Cain and Antony G. Bridges and Paul E. Hair, eds. Nares, Narrative of a Voyage to the Polar Sea during —6, 2 vols. London: Sampson Low, ; James C. London: Murray, Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, 2 vols. Doughty, Travels in Arabia Deserta, 2 vols. George Adam Smith, Historical Geography of the Holy Land is a late and impres- sive development of this genre of travel works. Rawlinson, England and Russia in the East, 2nd edn.
Bates, The Naturalist on the River Amazons. Robert Rotberg Cambridge, Mass. Horace Waller, 2 vols. Johnston, The Kilimanjaro Expedition Shackleton, South ; Robert F. A prefatory note to the book underlines his point.
The English Novel appeared in , towards the end of the period cov- ered by this chapter. Improvements in transport were fanned by, and helped to fan, the empire building, trade expansion and mass migrations of the late nineteenth century.
The native porters, thoroughly ill-treated, become restless, but Blood understood the Native mind. Belloc, it should be noted, represents an important strand of anti-colonialism of the period, one which was conservative and anti-modern, and which associated imperialism with vulgar middle-class commerce, Jewish bankers, and the mass press.
Commerce and a jingoistic popular press were certainly central factors in late nineteenth-century imperialism, but opposition to them could be snobbish rather than idealistic. The complex imbrications of issues of race and class in this period need to be borne in mind in reading its travel writing. Photograph courtesy of The Punch Library. There is no simple homogeneity of attitudes within these texts. The years between and are perhaps best seen as the beginning of the era of globalisation in which we live today, a process set in motion by that vast expansion of territorial colonialism in the late nineteenth century, and one that continues today through neo-colonial economic imperialism.
There are those who see globalisation simply as a deceptive synonym for Westernisation, but growth of worldwide trade and communications has transformed the West as well. Dependent though colonial expansion was on technological advance, also fundamental to it was the belief in the moral and intellectual superiority of the white races.
Yet the very process of colonisation meant that these clear dis- tinctions began to dissolve: transculturation, miscegenation, the barbarism necessary to impose rule — all conspired to make the question of which was the savage and which the civilised a disturbing one to answer. Meanwhile, J. Psychoanalysis demonstrated the fragility of civilised rationality.
Identities, ei- ther of self or other, were no longer stable. Travel writing in this period becomes increasingly aware of globalisation — not a word used but a condition that was widely recognised — and the resulting mixtures of cultures and people it brought with it. At the same time, many writers became increasingly anxious about the condition and value of mod- ern Western civilisation: was it and the white race degenerating?
Might there be an alternative elsewhere? Such questions were, of course, also central to imaginative literature. Any account of travel writing in this period must take note of the fact that in these years a remarkable number of novelists and poets were travelling writers, whether or not they were in addition actually travel writers, as indeed a number were.
Many lived much of their lives as expatriates, and most of them moved their place of abode with some frequency. Lawrence, E. Forster, Graham Greene, and Evelyn Waugh. Modernist texts register a new consciousness of cultural heterogeneity, the condition and mark of the modern world; in both imaginative and travel writing, moder- nity, the meeting of other cultures, and change are inseparable.
The period from to saw this change take place. Yet if the formal characteristics of travel writing changed over the period, many of the themes did not. It is possible to see three stages of travel writing within this period. Stanley produced one more travelogue, In Darkest Africa, mentioned earlier, a long and defensive book, part geographical textbook, part pious jingoism, part adventure story. The controversies that followed the publication of his book contributed to the growing unease with the conduct of imperialists.
Another woman traveller was Isabella Bird, who published one of the earliest travel books about Japan, only opened to the West in the s, and a source of fascination to many Westerners. Bird was one of a number of Victorian women, including Florence Nightingale and the anthropologist Mathilda Stevenson, who at home suffered ill health that immediately van- ished when they got away.
The book was not a success at the time, and lost money for its publishers Cambridge University Press , but it later became something of a cult book for certain modernists. Ezra Pound read it with enthusiasm to W. One was the trenchant critic of impe- rialism, the aristocratic Wilfrid Scawen Blunt, married to the granddaughter of Lord Byron, on whom he based his energetic life as supporter of liberation movements, womaniser, and poet. The modern British abroad, he believes, are destroying ordered and admirable societies, just as they have done at home.
Blunt, like Ford, was a romantic Tory; he had a warm if condescending regard for the peasantry and a belief in aristocracy; the new middle classes at home or abroad are what he distrusts. He wrote of his visit to Algeria: I found my sympathies in Algeria going out wholly to the Arabs. In India he was shocked by the way the British lived their so- cial lives segregated from the Indians, but disturbingly puts forward the idea that relations have deteriorated in India since the civil service examinations made it possible for the middle classes to become colonial servants.
Russia was defeated in the East by Japan in , an event that shocked the West, which had not credited that a non-European power would be able to defeat a European one. Russia then suffered a revolution which, though unsuccessful, presaged yet more profound shocks to come in The Ottoman Empire collapsed in , and the Chinese Empire in , whilst there were pre-war revolutions in Mexico, Persia, and Morocco. However, if the consequences of this distant turmoil were as yet unsuspected, no doubt its existence is one reason that many of the better-known travel works of this period stay nearer home.
Europe, and particularly southern Europe, continued to fascinate both British and American writers. Belloc moved from parody to actual travel writing with his book, The Path to Rome, which he illustrated with sketches he made on his travels. Evelyn Waugh protested later that Belloc had invented a new and most uncongenial kind of modern traveller, one who insists on avoiding modern comfort precisely because it is there.
Firstly, there is his desire to put a distance between himself as traveller and the burgeoning droves of tourists. Travel writers, if at all possible, wanted to write of areas for which guide-books could not be purchased — Wharton achieved that, or so she thought, with her book In Morocco21 — and preferably to which Thomas Cook did not run tours.
The American Scene describes a journey from New England to Florida, covering explorations around city streets and views from behind the plate glass of Pullman cars. Yet his reactions are never simple, and he is fascinated with the cultural changes that a new environment brings — not that he thinks them necessarily for the best, particularly in the case of the Italians. In addition, he is well aware of the irony of American suspicion of immigrants.
The international theme is as present in this travel memoir as in any of his novels. Here is our poetry, for we have pulled down the stars to our will. Ironically, just three months after the last instalment of Patria Mia appeared in The New Age, the Armory Show, the famous exhibition of modernist art that marked the beginning of a new era, took place in New York, and American modernist art and writing exploded.
One traveller who went beyond Europe in those years — apart that is from the bold Polar explorers — was Gertrude Bell, one of a number of travel writers in the Middle East, including T. Lawrence and Freya Stark, who became intimately involved with the British political interests in the area.
The gates of the enclosed garden are thrown open, the chain at the entrance to the sanctuary is lowered, with a wary glance to right and left you step forth and behold! During the First World War military mobilisation meant that leisure travel had to cease. Ironically, one of the most pervasive moods in travel writing of the inter-war years is a certain world-weariness, springing from disillusionment with European civilisation and dismay at its impact on the rest of the world.
This sense of an older, more aesthetic world in the throes of decay was not entirely new. Most travel writers now wrote of areas whose repertoire of char- acteristics had been well established; what becomes increasingly evident is that the repertoire is no longer what it was. Stevenson makes clear in his melancholy account of the region, In the South Seas Travel writers became increasingly aware that they were describing fragmented, hybridised cultures, the shabby remnants of the tapestry of otherness their predecessors had woven.
Stevenson believes he is depicting a dying race, soon to be no more. For others, modernity, in the shape of tourists if not colonialists, is about to sweep away the picturesque customs they have come to seek. The native arts are superior to Western vulgarity, even if the best of the West is superior to both. Change came more slowly to the Middle East, which, thanks largely to the power of the Ottoman Empire, while it lasted, and to its Islamic beliefs, re- mained amenable for longer to familiar and reassuring exoticisation, perhaps one reason for its popularity as subject matter.
Yet, even there, modernity began to enter in the inter-war years. Yet if travel writing had become deliber- ately anti-romantic, it was in addition anti-heroic. Animal imagery, used by earlier travellers to describe savage others, is now applied to the hapless American tourists. European culture, middle-class tourists, and foreign lands have neither worth nor glamour. Yet if Waugh implies his own superiority, it is not a superiority that he feels his compatriots or even his class necessarily share.
Paul Fussell suggests in his study of travel writers of this period that travel in the inter-war years often appeared to be more about escaping from England than anything else. Yet some travellers still went in hope: Lawrence, for all his bitterness against post-war England, was not just es- caping. His travels were energised by a passionate quasi-primitivist quest; he longed for a truer, simpler, more intense way of being, and was endlessly disappointed.
Lawrence loathed modern hybridity; he wanted to seek out the pure essence of the people he visited. In Mornings in Mex- ico he creates his own intoxicated version of the Indian soul. They have their limitations, as does the modern world, and neither can satisfy him. Other novelists in this period turned to travel writing. Orwell wrote some essays about his experiences in colonial Burma, but as a travel writer he is most famous for books like Down and Out in Paris and London and The Road to Wigan Pier , written in the long tradition of the middle-class ethnographer — Mayhew, Booth or London — uncovering the dark underside of civilisation, in which the lower classes are discovered to be, metaphorically speaking, a race apart.
His book is passion- ate and urbane, witty and politically acute. His book has a modernist timbre — it is composed of brief, sometimes quite imagistic, sporadic diary jottings, surprising juxtapositions, letters, reported conversations, historical facts, and anecdotes. Yet all through the book the political menace is there as a dark undercurrent. Richard J. Finneran London: Macmillan, , p. His compendious learning and literary style link Fermor to the s tradition of Robert Byron and Peter Fleming discussed in the previous chapter.
His two major books, Arabian Sands and The Marsh Arabs , demonstrate his prolonged im- mersion in forms of desert life in Arabia and marsh culture in Iraq which have now virtually vanished, giving his work substantial ethnographic value as discussed by Billie Melman in Chapter 6. And in his writing [Newby] has all the marks of his not entirely absurd antecedents. The understatement, the self-ridicule, the delight in the foreignness of foreigners, the complete denial of any attempt to enlist the sympathies of his readers in the hardships he has capriciously invited.
Travel and mobility and international relations were all crucial dimensions of modernism. As the previous chapter demonstrates, travel writing was not usually seen as the basis of a literary career before the Second World War. The complexities of this move are worth spelling out. Naipaul was writing during the height of decolonisation, with the West Indian islands deeply engaged in discussions about the nature and form of post-colonial independence.
Britain, meanwhile, was involved in heated debates about the impact of post-war immigration, especially from the West Indies. Subsequently, in no fewer than three travel books, of increasing complexity, Naipaul has written about India, a country he returns to at least in part for complex reasons of personal heritage. But she also takes her young daughter with her, which introduces a rather different set of concerns. New forms or, the leopard, the giant sloth, and four camels V. Naipaul acted as a mentor for the US writer, Paul Theroux, one of the quartet whose work in the late s marks the beginnings of the most recent upsurge of interest in travel writing.
Planning his routes with timetable in hand, Theroux established the respectability of a mode of travel accessible to his readers but long since associated with the regimentation of tourism. His example proved infectious, and his boundless enthusiasm for travel and for writing about it has kept his work at the forefront of the genre. I am here to be here, like these rocks and sky and snow, like this hail that is falling out of the sun. In print, Chatwin was as offhand about his actual travelling as Matthiessen was earnest, yet both were committed writers, shaping their respective books into twin landmarks of contemporary travel writing.
Though both are concerned with inner as well as physical journeys, the contrast between Matthiessen and Davidson can be gauged from their respective epigraphs: Rilke on visions and the spirit world, Doris Lessing on crossing a desert and shedding burdens. The comparison and contrast between all three writers can be extended. Matthiessen takes this further, pushing beyond the snow line, and largely beyond the line of social relationships, except for those involving his travelling companions, most of whom are Sherpas.
Freezing temperatures and deep snow have a par- ticular symbolic resonance, connecting The Snow Leopard with the long his- tory of both polar and mountain exploration and travel writing. The Snow Leopard and Tracks are personal books, openly embracing the journey as a form of therapy.
Two contrasts are particularly telling. The three works also share an ethnographic dimension in their concern for the fate of indigenous cultures and their appreciation of indigenous lifeways and thinking. Yet here I am proposing to tell the story of my expeditions. The fact that so much effort and expenditure has to be wasted on reaching the object of our studies bestows no value on that aspect of our profession, and should be seen rather as its negative side.
The collapse of com- munism opened up opportunities for travel in Eastern Europe and Central Asia which many writers have been keen to take; and Central Africa and Central and South America continue to offer intriguing mixes of ancient cul- tures and changing political landscapes. The few remaining wildernesses in the post-modern world are sought as avidly as ever.
Colin Thubron is probably the most distinguished of the generation of travel writers whose work confronts the political upheavals of the last thirty years, continuing — and overlapping with — the tradition of Norman Lewis. His spare literary style, combined with modest hints of shyness and sensitivity, exude integrity.
Above all, although he shares his impressions and opinions, he speaks to Siberian people of all sorts and lets their words appear in his book, in extensive quotation. The con- trasts between the two writers are, though, more striking than the similari- ties. Baudelaire and Conrad provide his epigraphs; Vancouver and Cook are constant companions along with a host of lesser-known trav- ellers and writers who have had something to say about the inside passage.
He cheerfully admits to buying his boat because of its extensive book- shelves. As usual, though, the journey itself proves metaphorically rich, even in ways which Raban does not ex- pect. Whereas Thubron shows modest signs of sensitivity beneath his bluff exterior, Raban is like a cat on a hot tin roof, always alert to the nuances of slight, easily tipped into guilt and anxiety — but usually able to turn his social misadventures into comedy and satire, although Passage to Juneau does not offer quite the same opportunities as his earlier American works, where his Englishness is used to good effect.
The ironies here are deep. Previously a relatively rootless traveller, Raban makes a point in Passage to Juneau of stressing his heartache at leaving his wife and daughter, even for three weeks. Her interests are partly social and partly in the extraordinary landscape. While their belated followers like Ranulph Fiennes are given short shrift, Wheeler shows increasing empathy with the early heroes, for all that they occupied a world antagonistic to the presence — or even the thought — of women.
The parameters of travel are almost impossible to set. However, most travel writing involves the experience of foreign cultures and languages, and some travel writers practice a kind of deep immersion in the cultures they are visiting, acquiring the sort of intimate knowledge which gives them access to people and places unknown to short-stay travellers, let alone tourists. Sometimes, of course, as with Franklin and Fawcett discussed in Chapters 3 and 7 , the earlier traveller has not returned and is being physically sought; more often the routes are being retraced in order to mark the historical gap between the two moments and perhaps to throw light on the earlier work, though the connection with earlier and usually better- known travellers can also serve as an attractive marketing device.
Passage to Juneau and Terra Incognita are both intensely aware of earlier travellers and writers to Alaska and the Antarctic, and Midnight in Sicily follows the traces of Italian writers Lampedusa and Sciascia, but the outstanding expo- nent of the footsteps genre is Charles Nicholl, who has recently followed his work on Walter Ralegh in South America The Creature in the Map, with a study of Arthur Rimbaud in Africa.
Here travel writing meets — and is perhaps indistinguish- able from — investigative reporting. Even where the stakes are not as high, most travel writers will expect to be taken at their word: the conventions of the genre with respect to embellishment and minor invention are well- understood by readers. In another margin of the genre, however, different rules apply, as W. In such ways is the genre of travel writing subverted and renewed. Jan Morris previously James is a special case, also discussed in Chapter Robyn Davidson London: Picador, , p.
John and Doreen Weightman Harmondsworth: Penguin, , p. Wilson Woodbridge: Boydell Press, , pp. Edmund Goldsmid Edinburgh: [s. Others, like Thubron or Buruma, may build up knowledge including linguistic expertise over a number of extended journeys. Sebald, The Rings of Saturn, trans. It was of the West, yet outside it, familiar, yet alien. It was the birthplace of Christianity and the two other revealed religions — Judaism and Islam — accorded by Westerners with the powers of pernicious apostasies.
The Ottoman challenge was not merely military. As Albert Hourani has pointed out, Westerners deemed the Muslim East so pernicious precisely because it presented an alternative culture dangerously close to home. Historians usually date this reversal from the naval battle of Lepanto in , which arguably eliminated the Ottoman Empire as a Mediterranean power. Yet for Europeans the sense of the Ottoman peril was real enough.
Later, and until the outbreak of the First World War, the power of the vast supra-national em- pire was increasingly contested within the Middle East and in its European territories. The gradual disintegration of the Ottoman Empire notwithstand- ing, its domains still presented the power of a highly organised polity with a complex societal system — both relating to a unifying and powerful Islam.
With the exception of Cyprus and Egypt, occupied in and respectively, military occupation and direct intervention evolved only dur- ing the Great War and in relation to the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. One of the truisms of the scholarship on travel to, and travel writing on, the Middle East is that both were indices to Western and especially British political and military superiority.
However, neither the British experience of travel nor the diverse representations of this experience were homogeneous. Although this paradigm is now habitually applied to exchanges between the West and non-Western cultures generally, it was within the Middle-Eastern context that Said developed it. It perpetuates stereotypes of the Middle East and Middle-Eastern people that, Said and others have argued, hardly changed over a millennium.
These include the image of the oriental despot, the corrupt prophet Muhammad, the religiously fanatic Muslim, the lascivious oriental female, and the somewhat different image of the noble Arab nomad studied in this chapter. Real orientals are denied humanity, history, and the author- ity to speak about and represent themselves, an authority which Orientalist travel writing reserves for occidentals. Most importantly, some of the critics have doubted the utility of the binary model as the key to our understanding of British or other exchanges with the Middle East.
Arabia emerged late as a destination of exploration, but quickly became both an object of political and economic interests and an iconic place. Its protracted and in- complete discovery spanned the century between the s and s, thus covering the late phase of imperialism. While these combined changes have impinged upon British Arabian travel writing, here too some features of older forms and strategies of representation have persisted. Sacred and domestic geographies: an overview From the fourth century and for well over a millennium, the pilgrimage was the dominant mode of travel through the Middle East and the most avail- able paradigm for travel writing.
Moreover, the pilgrimage survived not only as a practice but also as a central organising metaphor of travel, drawn on and utilised by travellers, notably travellers in Arabia. Yet even the earliest, fourth-century pilgrims to Palestine were not immune to ethnographic curiosity. The peregrinatio por christo became an allegory of the Christian life and was increasingly regarded not as an actual voyage but as an experi- ence which Christian men and women could undergo everywhere: Jerusalem the Heavenly could be reached without travelling.
Towards the end of the century Jerusalem was connected to Damascus and the latter to the Muslim holy cities of Mecca and Medinah by the Hijazi railway. Organised pilgrimages, inaugurated by Thomas Cook in and catering for British and American clienteles, considerably popularised and commercialised the spiritual jour- ney, making it accessible to the middle classes. This change has to do with the shift in the status of the journey to Palestine in evangelical faith and discourse, a discourse so vital to the making of the British and US middle classes.
Literal biblism easily led to a millenari- anism which elevated the text, and especially the prophesies on a universal regeneration and the Second Coming, to literally realisable truths. Such de-historicisation is emblematic of myriad texts which construct a timeless and changeless Middle East, outside secular history.
The modern Arab who, being a Muslim, had no place in evangelical cosmogony, but also the modern Middle-Eastern Jew, are described as scriptural types, unchanged from the times of the Patriarchs, or that of Christ. As proponents of the biblical sciences of scriptural archaeology, topography, and even natural sciences, these travellers also utilised the pilgrimage as a weapon against positivism, modern biblical criticism and, from the s, Darwinism.
Whereas the evangelical travelogue and the description or survey of antiquities mainly Egyptian ones largely ignored Muslim culture and society, the ethnography focused on Muslim customs and manners. Here again, the experience of travel was textual even as trav- ellers claimed, and in many cases drew on, actual experience and some- times participant observation. Already during the early Augustan Enlightenment, Orientalist authority was effectively contested, especially with regard to subjects like private life, sexuality, and the segregation of women and polygamy: subjects about which Western travellers knew very little, as Muslim law and custom practically excluded males from the segregated Middle-Eastern house.
Domestic ethnog- raphy thus evolved largely as a female genre, initially aristocratic, then from the early nineteenth century distinctly middle class. This formula was emulated by travellers throughout the Middle East as well as India and South America.
This perpetual masquerade gives them more Liberty of following their inclinations. The Victorians, though, de-sexualised oriental female spaces and the oriental woman herself and constructed a middle-class harem, not unlike the Victorian household, a harem which they imagined as an autonomous feminotopia.
Manners demonstrates the power of textual authority even in the new ethnography based on direct participant observation. Its geography and climate have made its hinterland almost inaccessible to non-mechanised travel. Until late in the nineteenth century this, combined with a lack of direct Western military and strategic interest, left the penin- sula peripheral from both touristic and imperial viewpoints.
However their experiences of the peninsula differed widely and were too dispersed to have formed a distinct tradition and a body of authority. A tradition, a distinct body of travel writing, and indeed a genealogy of Arabists emerged in the s, with the epic voyage of Anne Noel King Blunt and Wilfrid Scawen Blunt to the plateau of Nadj in central Arabia, which coincided with that of Charles Montagu Doughty.
What is so distinctive about these belated travellers is that they were not just travelling Orientalists, or Orientalists who happened to experience Arabia — but Arabists. Travelling at the same time as Doughty, their land journey covered over 2, miles from Aleppo to the Persian Gulf. The couple observed a variety of landscapes culminat- ing in the Nafud, or great red sand desert, separating the oases of northern Arabia from Nadj. What surprised us was its colour, that of rhubarb and magnesia, nothing at all like the sand we had hitherto seen, and nothing at all like what we had expected.
Her attempt to domesticate the chaos of the wilderness note the reference to rhubarb and magnesia used in domestic medicine and to make it meaningful, is characteristic of the belated explorers. They represent their journeys as spiritual, often structuring them in accordance with the pilgrim- age, while reversing this model as well as transforming that of the traveller- pilgrim.
Travellers like the Blunts and Doughty locate the Christian and universalist quest in the quintessential Muslim and anti-Christian site. They apply the notion of the Hajj to the whole of Arabia, which they regard as the locus genii of an authentic Islam. Moreover, after the journey Anne Blunt un- derwent a religious experience which resulted in her subsequent conversion to Roman Catholicism.
The moving front of the Arabian campaign, and the tribesmen who carried it forth, formed a desirable contrast to the Western Front and static and impersonal artillery trench warfare. One important such departure is the ethnographic search for an understand- ing of nomad culture on its own terms, stressing the need to make the authentic Arab voice audible. Even writers who had only passed through the peninsula picked up this juxtaposition of the town and the desert and made it the pivot of their writing.
The purity of the Bedouin, they argued, was the result of the hardship of his life and his isolation from the outside world. Under such circumstances conventional colonial hierarchies broke down. This is a distinctly masculine bond and indeed the travel epic purports to be a masculine genre.
Male travellers celebrate a physical prowess and admire the Bedouin for his manliness. Occasionally the male bond has a homoerotic streak to it Lawrence is a case in point. Such an omission in a genre that is excessively citationary is revealing. Put slightly differently, the discovery of the Arab means his loss to the traveller and, one may add, to a nostalgic Western reading public.
This is so because the related processes of im- perialism, Westernisation, and modernisation were irreversible. It is to them that the book is dedicated. He thinks them doomed by the political and economic impact of global and local changes such as US oil imperialism and the centralisation carried out by the Saudi state. I shall al- ways remember how often I was humbled by those illiterate herdsmen who possessed, in so much greater measure than I, generosity and courage, en- durance, patience and light-hearted gallantry.
Among no other people I have felt the same sense of personal inferiority. However, the lament for the transformation of the peninsula denies the Arabs the ability to take an active part in processes of change. Thesiger predicted that the nomad would become a passive lumpenproletariat in shanty towns p.
It is precisely on the complexities of modernisation that more recent travellers have focused. During the last four decades of the twentieth century travel to and inside the peninsula changed radically. The desert, the locus idealis of the Arabist utopia, has become peripheral in the recent narratives.
Modernity and rapid change excite Raban. Raban is quite aware that moderni- sation, rather than controlling the Arabs of the Gulf states and ruining them, was controlled by them through acculturation. Patterson-Black and V. With the Eyes to Zion-V, ed. Ben-Arieh and M. Davis Westport, Conn. Searight and M. Wagstaff Durham: Astene Publications, , pp. Ben-Arieh and Davis, pp.
Halsband Oxford: Clarendon Press, , vol. Lawrence Cambridge, Mass. Although this was not the earliest travel writing in Europe the en- counter with the Americas certainly stimulated a vast production of such literature and arguably made textual experience of the exotic a much more mundane occurrence.
At the time of the discovery of the New World, the horizons of colonial Europe were also being expanded by travel to the east and south, but the unanticipated discoveries of Columbus provided a fris- son of mystery and a need for explanation. This was the basis not just for recurrent attempts to detail, catalogue, and locate the peoples, creatures, and geographies of the continents, but also for a particular sense of the possibility of encountering the marvellous, the novel, and the extreme.
The Amazon could therefore be seen to comprise not only the contiguous forests that spread beyond the river- system, but also savanna and scrub forest environments. Given the vast diversity of travel accounts only a few can receive attention, and writing in languages other than English can only be alluded to in passing, even though much of the framework for imagining Amazonia originates in Spanish and Portuguese texts. Nonethe- less, some Iberian, as well as Dutch, French, and German accounts were rapidly translated and issued in English and knowledge of such texts among readers is often presumed by subsequent authors.
Given this borrowing from and translating of early travel texts, it is evi- dent that certain key metaphors and representations dominate this diverse body of writings which have their origins in the earliest encounters between Europeans and Americans. As the purposes of travel and exploration became increasingly disengaged from the direct business of colonial occupation and exploitation so the cultural space emerged where accounts of travel and dis- covery could use the genre to explore inner jungles, as much as vegetal ones.
By the same token travelling as a professional exercise has become the occasion for eth- nological speculation and such works illustrate the current state of Amazon travelogues. Imaginary origins: locating the civilised and the wild, — In the European exploration of South America, the Caribbean Islands, coastal Guiana, and the Brazilian littoral south of the Amazon were the easterly starting points for journeys into the hinterland. Such marvels also implied connections both with the Inca and the walled city of El Dorado, and these connections are repeatedly evidenced in the journey through references to the presence of llamas, copper axes, clothing, and so forth.
Later writers would also adopt this location, on the north bank of the Amazon along the Trombetas river, as the focal point for tales of the Amazons. In the writings from the Brazil coast the experience of cultural difference is marked by the rumour and surmise of cannibalism, a topic only passingly mentioned in the materials reviewed so far. Early images of their rituals and descriptions of their cultural practices were often trans- posed to new settings, especially within French writings, since they became an exemplary case of the ethnologically pristine.
He was duly pre- pared to be ritually killed but a timely attack of toothache led him to refuse food and he grew thin. Questioned about the disposition of the Portuguese, Staden instead suggested that it was the Tupinikin who were planning to at- tack his captors. Staden recounts his observation of the cannibal demise of other captives, including Portuguese, and the frustrated attempts he made to escape with various visiting ships. He also joined his captors on raids against enemy villages and observed and com- mented upon the practice of war.
In short Amazonia provoked and inspired an aesthetic of extremes. Colonial glimpses into the interior, — As the colonial regimes in South America moved permanently to occupy and expand their initial coastal enclaves, so the place of travel accounts in the cultural work of conquest changed.
Although travellers coming directly from Europe are still represented, a new kind of traveller emerges — one who negotiates not so much geographical distance as cultural difference. Much of this literature was produced by travel writers with more sustained colonial as opposed to metropolitan identities, such as missionaries and administrators, signalling that the authenticating fea- tures of travel accounts now required evidence of more sustained journeying undertaken on the basis of already existing experiences of distance and difference.
The hiatus in published accounts was due to the fact that after Carvajal the only European presence in the river basin itself was provided by scattered trading posts manned by small companies of French, English, Irish, and Dutch adventurers.
He is therefore overwhelmingly concerned with the economic and political prospects for the river and its peoples. This is signalled through a nostalgia for the native past, a sense of the destruction of native people through disease and slavery, and an ambivalence towards the eradication of their superstitions. To this is then added, in proof of cultural and not just geographical journeying, extensive ethnological descriptions of native peoples and their customs.
In this way such travel accounts begin to appear quite uniform in their content and choice of subject matter, so that the social and intellectual positioning of the traveller himself begins to intrude as a means of signalling the relative uniqueness of an experience of the familiarly exotic.
Nonetheless, the authenticating forms of travel accounts, particularly encounters with exotic peoples or biota, remain an important element in suggesting authenticity and authority. As a result, the colonial orbit itself, rather than the hinterland which lay beyond it, became the main object of descrip- tion.
Here also the individual positioning of Stedman becomes critical to the way the text is understood for, though he was no abolitionist, the empathy with which he treats the slave population transcends any stated political views. The creation of Amazonia, — Subsequent travel accounts offer a counterpoint to these kinds of narra- tives and indicate a new phase in writing on Amazonia, since they describe a determined seeking of wonders beyond the orbit of the colonial world so thoroughly travelled in the preceding era.
A sense of nostalgia for the eclipse of a native Amazon now really begins to take hold. This nostalgia developed during the eighteenth century as the European colonies through- out Amazonia became less dependent on their relationships with the native population, and the problems of managing burgeoning slave-based societies preoccupied many writers and thinkers. For Humboldt this explic- itly involved a contrast with earlier writers who barely wandered from the shoreline of their arrival, but it also produced an Amazonia shorn by ratio- nal investigation of its mysterious empires and Amazons, exotic poisons and cannibal headhunters.
The pristine myth erases both the native population and the evidence of its past. It is also blind to the processes and consequences of conquest: the empty rivers and silent forests, the vast gloom and trackless glades are not in fact the pristine indications of an undisturbed domain of nature but rather the consequence of the violent and catastrophic actions of colonial culture on the ecology of the Amazon itself and on the native peoples who once lived there.
The contrast between the vast economic potential of Amazonia and its feeble development by the Portuguese and Spanish much exercises the imagination of these authors. Humboldt in his study in Oranienburger Strasse, Berlin.
Watercolour by Eduard Hildebrandt Courtesy of Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin. Accordingly, indigenous human cultures are viewed as basically small-scale, necessarily mobile and therefore unable to produce the higher forms of cultural endeavour such as cities, temples, roadways, and so forth. His journeys into the interior are narrated as an ever-deepening path into the past, as if distance from Rio de Janeiro was also a form of time travel.
This sets up the native population as exemplars of a humanity frozen in time, with the ethnographer travelling through the space of the forest to reach a moment in the past. There is therefore a sense of domination and control which emerges from these narrations of last en- counters, for although we may marvel at the persistence of such antiquity, its imminent destruction and evidently anachronistic nature is obvious to the scientist but not to the natives.
Here the anthropologist appears both as cul- ture bearer and protector. However, with this kind of writing it becomes all too easy to take every meeting as a replay of the Columbian moment, every old shaman as a last repository of traditional wisdom. Of course this is more the fantasy of the writer than the condition of the written, but the power of this idea for Western culture is shown clearly in the less professionally orientated ac- counts of Amazonia from the twentieth century.
Nonetheless, the irritating presence of the modern is effectively erased in favour of a somewhat nostalgic view of that biographi- cal moment and of the condition of the Shuar themselves. The ethnographic eye is represented as erratic if not misleading, and somewhat baleful.
In this way a sense that Amazonia has given up its mystery, or is about to, provokes a nostalgic, even atavistic, search for some last hidden tokens of its former wild savagery and exoticism. As such they imitate the ethnographic form itself with its emphasis on the quality of professional engagement with other peoples, as opposed to an automatic assumption of the integrity of the eyewitness.
In this way the river and its environs was actually less travelled than other lo- cations, since the Amazon channel offered no people, no places, only distant vistas. Neil L. Whitehead Manchester University Press, , pp. Malcolm Letts New York: R. Ferguson and Neil L. Whitehead, eds. London: Printed for S. Buckley, , p. George Edmundson London: Hakluyt Society, William H. In fact Robert Schomburgk, a tireless contributor to the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, was more widely travelled in Guiana than better-known contemporaries.
Murray, , p. Steward, ed. British missionar- ies arrived in and by the s had established a virtual Protestant theocracy across the Tahitian archipelago. The arrival of French Catholic missionaries in the s resulted in tension between the two missions and a French protectorate being established in Both missions persisted but Britain accepted French claims to the group in the Declaration of London, and French annexation of the islands was completed in the s.
This cross-Channel discourse inaugurated a tradition that has persisted so strongly that to concentrate entirely on anglophone travel writing would be to distort the picture. Early contacts Although Europe did not discover Tahiti until the s the idea of it had been invented long before.
Remote tropical islands, places of ease and plenty, prelapsarian worlds free of the guilty burdens and prohibitions of Judeo- Christian cultures, had been a glint in the eye of Europe for centuries before the arrival of Wallis at Tahiti. And unlike the dispersed warrior culture of New Zealand Maori, Tahitian culture appeared settled and peaceable. Tahitians were not cannibals, although it was believed they had once been so.
Of those described by J. George Forster, however, is not merely contrasting a noble savage with bar- baric Europeans. Maori, he argues, will renounce cannibalism when, like the Tahitians, they become more united by the bonds of society. Cook was killed on Hawaii but each of these works has him being mourned on Tahiti. Once again two island cultures are sharply distinguished from each other, allowing something to be salvaged from the killing of the great explorer.
According to Forster, Tahiti is just the right size of island to prevent nomadism and promote civilisation, compact enough for a well-regulated society but not so small as to render that organisation vulnerable. In its political and social structure, for example, it avoids both the lack of deference that vitiates life on the Marquesan islands, and the undue subservience demanded by the chiefs in Tonga pp. As Nicholas Thomas has pointed out, Forster places Tahitian culture within a general theory of the emergence of civility.
The advancement of Tahitian culture is therefore as double-edged as that of its more polished European counterparts. In this way Tahiti became as- similated to contemporary eighteenth-century theories of the history of civil society, and was used to express unease about the universal social and moral implications of civil advancement. They also provide Europe with an example and a warning.
Similarly, in dress and habitation Tahitian life is distinguished from European by its elegance and simplicity. The island has emerged from barbarism without yet being seriously threatened by the undermining effects of luxury. In these and other ways, then, Tahiti was represented in eighteenth-century travel writing as the jewel in the crown.
And it derived from ready-made European discourses of happy isles and civil progress. Although his account of Tahitian life is of great ethnographic value, it is also a prime example of how travel writ- ing can tell us as much about Europe as about its others.
Like any traveller, Forster was always in two places at once. The Bounty had spent six months on Tahiti in and before the mutiny, and those who decided not to follow Christian to Pitcairn lived there for a further eighteen months before being captured and taken back to England for trial.
Foremost among these was James Morrison, whose account of his experiences, begun while awaiting trial, was the most devel- oped piece of writing on Tahiti to this date. It reinforced the allure of the islands and raised in heightened form the contrast between the discontents of civilisation and the satisfactions of so-called natural life. The spectacle of young Englishmen, some of good birth, getting tattooed, wearing native dress, and fathering native children was arresting.
The shocked fascination with which this was greeted in England also had a political dimension. The mutiny occurred only a few months after the French Revolution, and when news of it reached England it seemed a distant replay of events in France. He might cultivate his own ground and trust himself and friends for his defence — he might be truly happy in himself and his hap- piness would be increased by communicating it to others. He might introduce the advantages and yet avoid the vices of cultivated society.
Certain aspects of Tahitian life had caused unease among the early voyagers, although these were sometimes edited out of the published record. The particular scandal of the arioi was not so much their licensed promiscuity as the fact they were obliged to abstain from reproduction. The offspring of both male and female arioi were therefore killed. Even here, however, proto-anthropological attempts were made to understand the practice.
Bligh, for example, discusses it as a form of population control in A Voyage to the South Sea , and in his Log suggests that the arioi began as a celibate society whose members were accorded honour and privi- lege in compensation for not having children. Infanticide, he speculates, was an unfortunate by-product of the failure of this arrangement.
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I lay awake wondering about what we should leave in. I believe that they were both at a point in their lives where they were forced to confront something through those interviews. Murphy was, true to form, unavailable for comment on the documentary as she is currently in refugee camps in Jordan for her latest project, the third in a trilogy about the Palestinian situation; she makes no apology for the increasingly politicised stance of her books in recent years and is as keen to work as ever.
The energy she exudes, well into her 80s, is palpable in the film as Michael Palin laughingly describes being invited to join her on her daily skinny dip in the Blackwater near her home. He shot the documentary on a Canon XL. She just went and kept going. McGlynn and Daly, who live in Co Offaly with their two sons, aged eight and five, are working on a new comedy project based on the true story of Noel Murray and Keith Byrne, two boys from Darndale who stowed away on an Air India jet to New York in the s.
And what did the inimitable Ms Murphy make of the documentary? The best food, health, entertainment and lifestyle content from the irishexaminer. Tara Shine as we make a call to action for accelerating women's equality. Video Series. Puzzles hub. The best food, health, entertainment and lifestyle content from the Irish Examiner, direct to your inbox.
Who is Dervla Murphy? Mother knew son was dealing drugs when he started buying nice clothes, court told. Decline in number of former prisoners who re-offend within a year. Woman who gave partner alibi changed statement after he began new relationship. More in this section. Pippa O'Connor Ormond expands empire with 'confident but not cocky' Irish vodka brand. Subscribe Now. Subscribe now. A lone woman on a bicycle with a revolver in her trouser pocket was an almost unknown occurrence and a focus of enormous interest wherever she went.
Undaunted by snow in alarming quantities, and using her. In Ethiopia with a Mule Dervla Murphy Dervla Murphy Inspired by childhood stories of Prester John and the Queen of Sheba, in Dervla Murphy bought Jock, an amiable pack-mule, and set off to trek across the highlands of this awesome but troubled land.
From there she descended to the ruined palaces of Gondar and skirted the northern shore of Lake Tana before crossing the drought-afflicted high ranges to Lalibela. Having exchanged the exhausted Jock named after her publisher for an uncooperative donkey, Dervla completed her journey to Addis Ababa.
The real achievement was not surviving three armed robberies or a mountainous one-thousand-mile trail, but rather Dervla's growing affection for and understanding of another race. In this beautifully written and searingly honest autobiography, the intrepid cyclist and traveller Dervla Murphy remembers her richly unconventional first thirty years. She describes her determined childhood self — strong-willed and beguiled by books from the first — her intermittent formal education and the intense relationship of an only child with her parents, particularly her invalid mother whom she nursed until her death.
Here lie the roots of Dervla's gift for friendship, her love of writing, her curiosity, her hatred of cant, her hardiness and her desire to travel. Bicycling fifty miles in a day at the age of eleven, alone, it seems only natural that her first major journey should have been to cycle to India. From Bombay to the hippy beaches of Goa and on to the tropical trip of India, travelling by boat and bus, staying in fisherman's huts and no-star hotels, Dervla Murphy and her five-year-old daughter explored the south.
En route they fell in love with the tiny mountain paradise of Coorg, whose landscapes and people form the focus of a wonderfully evocative travel diary. This is an account of their journey. She met liberals and Islamists, Hamas and Fatah supporters, rich and poor. Through reported conversations she creates a vivid picture of life in this coastal fragment of self-governing Palestine. Bombed and cut-off from normal contact with the rest of the world, life in Gaza is beset with structural, medical and mental health problems, yet it is also bursting with political engagement and underwritten by an intense enjoyment of family life.
During her month by the sea, Dervla develops an acute eye for the way in which isolation has shaped this society. Time and again she meets men who have returned to the Strip as an act of presence.
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