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Rather than consuming without thought, audiences use interpretive lenses and bring individual experiences to bear when making meaning from media Radway ; Fiske The viewers are connected to each other as well as the content creator, using social media to maintain an active, communicative network.
Like the broadcast audience, the networked audience includes random, unknown individuals, but, unlike the broadcast audience, it has a presumption of personal authenticity and connection. Members of the networked audience take turns serving as creator, commenter, spectator, and lurker. Facebook users write status updates to be seen by their audience as they simultaneously watch videos or read notes posted by friends. Because social media users broadcast content to people who in turn broadcast content to each other, there is a rich social context for each piece of digital information.
This opportunity for communication influences how speakers respond and what content they create in the future. In social contexts like the tech scene, where boundaries between offline and online are liminal and constantly shifting, the networked audience becomes the norm for social media use. When there are existing relationships between people connected through social media, whether they be strong ties or weak acquaintanceships, the networked audience comes into play.
It is the networked audience that perceives the user, determines social norms, and gives feedback. Popular narratives about Web 2. In contrast, historical analyses of science and technology show that political, economic, and social differences in places and times affect how technology is deployed, used, and regarded.
The printing press, for instance, is often positioned as the cause of the Protestant Reformation via the Gutenberg Bible; this ignores the rise of anti- clericalism, the breakdown of feudalism, the rise of urbanism and the merchant class, the Renaissance, and so forth Eisenstein ; Howell and Prevenier , Likewise, American teenagers, Japanese teenagers, West African entrepreneurs and Egyptian activists demonstrate different patterns of mobile phone use, and understand and talk about their own technology use distinctly Ito, Okabe, and Anderson Although my fieldwork took place in California, I am cognizant that this project involves a very particular, and in many ways unusual, set of technology users.
The discipline of media studies has developed a sophisticated understanding of the importance of context. In contrast to virtual ethnographies of online communities with participants drawn from across the globe, media ethnography emphasizes how people in a particular place understand their own media use Ginsburg, Abu-Lughod, and Larkin This project applies the principles of media ethnography to online social media in order to understand praxis, understanding, and discourse around social media among Web 2.
This is particularly necessary when investigating social status. In this case, I am examining the status structures, markers and practices among technologists in San Francisco. While I could have chosen to study Web 2. First, this group of people conceptualize and build social media technologies; their social sphere is the intended context for Web 2.
The San Francisco-Silicon Valley area is considered the global home of social media applications and discourse and many of the most influential people in technology live here. Examining their environment, interactions, and norms reveals that the values of the tech scene are reflected in the software they build. Second, San Francisco tech workers have extraordinarily high rates of social media use.
They are early adopters of many social media platforms—Twitter was popularized within this group years before it disseminated into the mainstream—and epitomize the crumbling division between online and offline life. Although the tech scene represents one end of the bell curve of Web 2. The tech scene is made up primarily of twenty-to-fifty- something professionals, and this project shows that such practices are not dependent on age, and are by no means restricted to teenagers.
This area is synonymous with the technology companies located there, such as Apple, Google, Intel, Oracle, Sun, and Yahoo. It boasts a diverse population with skilled immigrants, expensive real estate, well-funded public schools, and technological saturation English-Lueck , Like New York advertising men in the s, Silicon Valley technology workers embodied modernity in the s.
In contrast to the tech monocultures of Silicon Valley, technology companies headquartered in San Francisco tend to be startups: smaller, newer, with younger employees, longer hours, and a greater possibility of being acquired by Google or accruing lucrative pre-IPO stock options. San Francisco also has a lengthy and storied history of countercultural activism, art, and liberal politics, which are largely absent from the more staid cities of the Valley.
Community members hang out face-to-face at parties, workplaces, events, and conferences, and keep in touch using social technologies, mobile devices, instant messenger, and e-mail. Their immersion in social technologies is incredibly high and online interaction plays an large role in forming and maintaining social bonds. There are significant differences between the technology scene and the hacker-engineer culture of Silicon Valley studied by June Anne English-Lueck Often, Silicon Valley engineers are portrayed as socially maladjusted, unable to make friends, working late hours into the night, weird, or cranky.
In contrast, social software workers tend to be social. I cannot say whether these differences are real or a matter of perception, and, if they are real, whether they can be attributed to location, job types, the products that they work on, or something else entirely. Silicon Valley culture also includes a deep faith in technological solutions, specifically computerization, the idea that widespread adoption of computer technologies will lead to positive social change, in this case, increased participation, democracy, and community Iacono and Kling Silicon Valley as an imaginary exports the Californian Ideology as a universal solution to localized problems.
At the same time, the media visibility and idealization of successful Northern California tech companies like Facebook and Twitter have engendered a world-wide fan base who follow business developments and social machinations of the scene through blogs and Twitter feeds. San Franciscans have a vested interest in maintaining this image, and are quick to argue that they are at the epicenter of world-wide technology development.
The scene also functions somewhat as a mythic center. Far-flung entrepreneurs, academics, and venture capitalists who live across the world imagine themselves to be connected through technology and thus beyond place , but still ground themselves in the Californian Ideology of the Bay Area.
While there are geographic and cultural differences between technopoles, the scene functions as a shared set of assumptions, beliefs, and norms that maintain common interests across geographical boundaries. While this term has been widely used in popular music scholarship and youth studies, it has not gained wider currency Straw ; Shank ; Straw ; Hesmondhalgh Will Straw uses the term to emphasize how a community in a particular time and space can connect to larger cultural forces.
Straw argues the spatiotemporal location of a scene, such as Northern California in the first decade of the twenty-first century, provides a historical tradition that members can draw upon but are not limited to. With regard to the tech scene, Northern California has a long history of innovation with deep traces that strongly affect contemporary internet and software production. However, members are connected through social media to a global network of enthusiasts.
The boom-and-bust cycles of Silicon Valley have given rise to constantly renewed and updated technologies that are enthusiastically adopted by scene members. Like local music scenes, the technology scene creates popular cultural products with low barriers to entry and myriad opportunities for participation. This fertile creative environment encourages the pursuit of personal projects.
When a member of the tech scene begins attending conferences, she may first imagine herself as a speaker, and later take steps to become a speaker, or even organize her own conference. There are other commonalities between music and technology scenes. Both scenes make media, which has a broader reach, a sense of audience, and the presence of fans and fannish dynamics.
Because the music scene is the epitome of a cool, hip social milieu Leland , its use by technologists allows them to shed their geeky, antisocial image in favor of one that is dynamic, fun, and aspirational. The traditional definition of community involves solitary groups of densely-knit neighbors located in a common geographical space Wellman and Gulia This idealized gemeinschaft is often valorized as an ideal state, before urbanization, media, crime, television, etc.
Gender Gender plays an important role in determining status in the technology scene. In the omnipresent status mythology of the scene, success comes when a brilliant, hard-working man builds a company from scratch. This sexism does not manifest in obvious barriers to professional advancement. In fact, several female engineers I talked to vociferously opposed the idea that the scene was sexist. In fact, this is a very basic understanding of structural oppression in which a lack of brute barriers signifies a lack of bias.
To the contrary, my interviews and interactions with members of the scene revealed an enormous amount of subtle sexism and bias towards women in all levels of the community. First, employment numbers show the male domination of the tech industry. Only 3 percent of tech companies and 1. This is despite recent studies which have found virtually no differences between female and male entrepreneurs in terms of education, wealth, or technical knowledge Cohoon, Wadhwa, and Mitchell According to the US Bureau of Labor statistics, women make up 19 percent of hardware engineers, 21 percent of software engineers, and 22 percent of computer programmers.
While some of these numbers can be explained by the lack of women in computer science, this begs the question of why are there so few women in computer science, and why that number has decreased since the s National Center for Women and Information Technology While there are many women in the tech scene, and many men who do not program, the gender inequities within the computer industry affect how women are perceived overall.
Second, men and women are treated differently in both private and public discourse. Women are sexualized and their accomplishments are frequently underestimated or dismissed. A venture capitalist told me that he believed women were like children who could not control their emotions.
These attitudes are not atypical for male-dominated professional cultures, but they are still troublesome. This suggests that people whose gender presentation is not heterosexual and male are more likely to be criticized for their information disclosure and lose status as a result. I became interested in this community the summer after the first year of my Ph. During those three months, I went to tech parties and events, made friends with tech professionals, and found inspiration in the enthusiasm and excitement of the second internet boom, which reminded me of my experiences working in the Seattle dot-com boom from These friendships gave me broad access to the technology scene, and I returned the next summer to conduct some pilot interviews for what I began to conceptualize as a project about online status.
I have since stayed in touch with many of my informants via e-mail, seen them at conferences, and conducted informal fieldwork among their equivalents in New York City. Fieldwork included three primary parts, interviews, participant observation, and online ethnographic observation. Interviews I conducted formal interviews with 34 members of the technology scene and talked to many, many more in casual settings.
I interviewed nineteen men and fifteen women, of which seven were people of color, and five identified as lesbian, gay, bisexual, polyamorous, or queer. They ranged in age from early twenties to fifties, and employment status varied from CEO to unemployed.
Some of my informants had lived in San Francisco for decades, while others had lived there for less than a year. The interviews were between forty-five minutes and three hours, and usually took place at a public place like a coffee shop or restaurant, although sometimes I interviewed people in their apartments. I had a standard set of questions which I modified for each informant, but I usually let each interview take its own course.
During my first few interviews, I took hand-written notes, but quickly learned to tape-record so I could better pay attention to my subjects. The interviews were transcribed by an online service. I proofed the transcriptions by listening to recordings of the interviews as I coded them, in most cases re-transcribing the majority of the interview. I used Atlas. I coded each interview two or three times, and referred back to the interviews frequently while choosing quotes and writing individual chapters.
Participant Observation I participated in the tech scene both in-person and using social media technologies. For the former, I attended between two and five tech events a week, sometimes several on the same night. I went to meetups10 about mobile technology, virtual currency, using Web 2.
I also participated in many informal social events, like rock shows, birthday parties, picnics, restaurants, and bar gatherings. I typed up my fieldnotes and coded them both by hand and using Atlas. To contextualize my involvement in the scene, I will relate the story of the first event I went to upon moving to San Francisco in I arrived exactly on time and was, awkwardly, one of only four or five people there.
Thus I learned my first lesson: scheduling is much less precise in San Francisco than it is in New York. The office was a floor of a large office building in downtown San Francisco, sparsely populated with scattered cubicles, fluorescent lights and long tables stacked with sandwiches and salads. We were greeted by professionally-dressed women who ushered us in and instructed us to choose nametags with colored dots to identify our roles.
As people trickled in—probably percent men in their twenties to fifties, white, Asian, and Southeast Asian—I had my first taste of tech scene networking. By the end of fieldwork, I had become very good at it, as well as the small talk and questions that are necessary to network successfully. But at this event, I stumbled over my words and lost the attention of my co-networkers.
Because I was a researcher, most people were not interested in my work, and, by extension, me. If you were an engineer looking for a job, a recruiter looking for an engineer, a CEO looking for funding, or a VC looking for an investment opportunity, you were of interest.
The instrumentality of these events quickly became clear to me. You met people to see if you could potentially get anything from them; you did not necessarily want to meet people for friendship, dating, or any other reason. I did meet two of my future informants at this event: Dale Larson and Anu Nigram, as well as a CEO who later hired me for a freelance writing gig. By any standards, this would be counted as a success. But at the time, I felt like an outsider, awkward and gawky.
It took many months of talking to people and reading blogs and tweets to become familiar and comfortable with the practices I saw on display at this event. I also observed Facebook, Flickr and various blogs, particularly Valleywag, TechCrunch, and Mashable, on a daily basis.
I consider this project to represent multi-sited ethnography, but it was difficult to draw a distinct boundary around data collection. This is due to the networked nature of modern internet communications where, unlike discrete tools like Usenet or Second Life, comments, links, and aggregators mix and mash-up information in very non- discrete ways. To find relevant online sites, I relied on my own experiences, links posted on Twitter, information from informants, and news stories.
My primary tool for participation was Twitter. Although I had signed up for Twitter in February , it was not until I began fieldwork in September that my Twitter use increased significantly see Figure 1. I tweeted about mundane subjects, talked to informants, shared information from my own life, and met interviewees using Twitter. I saved thousands of tweets, which were prohibitively time-consuming to hand-code and organize.
As a result, I used tweets as a different sort of data, on a somewhat ad-hoc evidentiary basis to flesh out descriptions and perspectives on events and anecdotes that appear in the dissertation. In this document, Tweets appear in Courier font for easy identification. Much data is restricted to friends. I believe it is unethical to use protected data without gathering full consent from informants, so I declined to use my personal account for formal data collection. Creating an additional account for research violates the Facebook terms of service, and repeated requests to the service for greater access for research purposes went unanswered.
As a result, while I observed interaction on Facebook on a daily basis, I did not formally collect Facebook data. The blogs and Flickr accounts of most of my informants were public, so I judged them allowable for data collection. Ethnographic studies of computer-mediated communities during the s and early s primarily conceptualized online spaces such as Usenet groups or single chat rooms as discrete, and studied them in isolation Reid ; Cherny ; Baym ; Hine ; Kendall There were several reasons for this.
Second, because there were far fewer internet users, meeting and befriending strangers online was common. While even the earliest ethnographies of computer-mediated communication chronicled in-person meetings of online community members, it was still possible to isolate a group of people whose primary communication was through a single online medium.
Media convergence has created a multiplexity of communication options, including face-to-face contact, instant messenger, e-mail, text messaging, mobile and landline telephones, and a cacophony of emerging technologies like Skype, video chat, YouTube videos, blog comments, tweets and Facebook wall posts Van Cleemput These unanswerable questions show that these divisions are no longer analytically useful terms.
So what are the methodological implications of this move away from a strict delineation between online or offline? Just as media anthropology has called for situating media use as embedded practice, I believe that digital media must be studied as a practice that takes place in a specific geographic location Abu- Lughod ; Mankekar ; Ginsburg, Abu-Lughod, and Larkin Moreover, internet use informs social and cultural processes and discourse; as Christopher Kelty writes: In the 21st century, in which e-mail, chatrooms, instant messaging, independent media, blogs, Google, mobile phones, pagers, Friendster, and other media are also concrete means of discussion, argument, and assertion, we can broaden the notion of Tischgesellschaft coffeehouse society to that of a far-flung, technically mediated, and dynamically networked Schreibtischgesellschaft desktop society , This work positions technology use within broader social frameworks which affect how technology is used and viewed.
Such studies help to illuminate the complex interactions between people, places, and devices, and reveal how people make social meaning of their relationships to technology. Priyadharshini writes, Because the task is one of "blowing the cover" of power, or, as Saskia Sassen puts it, to "excavate" file workings of such power in both its productive and repressive manifestations, the questions that studying up can usefully investigate include: How does power accrue at some points within dominant discourses?
How are those who appropriate and enjoy power enabled to do so? What are the terms and conditions that make this possible? I chose American technology workers precisely so I could uncover the power that they wielded in technology. Like movie producers or television show runners, the creators of new media shape the images and frameworks through which we see ourselves and others.
But while the political economy and social context of the mass entertainment industries have been analyzed at length, there are very few critical examinations of the production culture of Web 2. Studying up is not without methodological and ethical dilemmas. Not only was my access restricted to many powerful people, there is a significant overlap between academia and industry in technology studies. As a graduate student, it was not in my best professional interests to alienate members of this group.
To the contrary, increasing my status in the scene could potentially lead to tempting rewards, such as conference invites and press coverage. My goal in this project was to provide a measured critique of the technology scene, not an obsequious or celebratory biography, but I found myself admiring the intelligence, drive, and creativity of its participants. I struggled with potentially alienating people who were very kind to me, who I respected, and who might help me professionally.
I thus attempted to strike a balance between measured, objective critique and the realities of my situation. I also expect many of my informants to read—well, perhaps skim—this project. While most graduate students are overjoyed if anyone besides their committee reads their dissertation, I kept the possibilities of a larger audience in the back of my mind as I wrote.
I am fully aware that some of my claims, particularly those pertaining to sexism, may be received poorly, but I stand behind my data and analysis and am prepared to defend it if necessary. Another methodological issue involved the difficulty in interviewing people with extensive media training. I found that people who were used to giving interviews, particularly CEOs, gave smooth answers to questions without revealing anything inadvertently, making it very difficult to get below this practiced surface.
Using these interviews as evidence required understanding that how people choose to represent themselves to interviewers is as important as the content of their interviews. A few days after our interview, I bumped into Garrett Camp at a bar.
I was surprised, as it was a very safe, bland, interview by my standards, particularly compared to subjects who had discussed their relationships and gossiped about others at length. A CEO is the public face of his or her company, and is required to self-censor to seamlessly reflect a flawless surface. Significantly, it is exactly this type of self-censorship that I identify in status-seeking self-presentation.
Situating Myself After four years in this culture, I am accepted as an insider. I am close to many people in the scene for the most part I did not interview close friends, but grew friendly with several interviewees. While everyone knew I was doing ethnographic work, people frequently shared personal information and anecdotes with me because of our friendship that I do not feel comfortable using.
I struggled between insiderness and objectivity, a well-documented tension among ethnographers. First, I participated in the technology scene. While I did not go so far as to adopt the principles of self-branding or micro-celebrity although I briefly considered it as a sort of extensive participant observation , I spent a lot of time networking and attending events, met journalists and bloggers who referred to me in print and online, and appeared in the lifestreams of my informants, increasing my visibility.
This showed that I had access to high-status people, a major status symbol in the scene. I learned a lot about the inner workings of venture capital, networking, and the technology press, including watching his co-founders transform into tech celebrities as they appeared on the covers of magazines and spoke at major conferences. This insider perspective was deeply useful to me in my research, but it also presented something of a conundrum.
While I do not believe in true objectivity, I do think researchers should at least strive to be objective in their work. I cannot, in any way, be objective about a company that I am so close to. As a result, I try not to comment on Foursquare in the press, at conferences, and for the most part, in this dissertation.
After a few missteps, I have decided that it is unethical for me to talk about the company from a research perspective. This project reveals many of the difficulties and tensions inherent in conducting ethnography in mediated social contexts. Throughout the dissertation, I draw from both online and offline interactions to understand how they collectively compose a fragmented, overlapping, but coherent community.
In the next section, I walk through each chapter of the project, highlighting the primary theoretical contributions to the disciplines of media and internet studies. I argue that Web 2. I do this by tracing three threads of technological and historical roots that give rise to the modern concept of Web 2. This history shows that Web 2.
But for the most part, the technical capabilities of social media are not groundbreaking. Second, claims of Web 2. I examine four counter-cultural movements hacker culture, zines, grassroots media activism, and techno-utopianism which formulated parallel institutional critiques of government and multi-national corporations, identifying these behemoths as threats to democracy and freedom. This history leaves certain capitalist structures unquestioned, while relegating others to the heap of the past.
These events brought together predominantly young, white male developers who were committed to both the core Web 2. This chapter establishes the cultural and technical roots of Web 2. In the second chapter, I introduce status as my primary analytical concept. Status allows examination of the interplay of social relations with factors like reputation, social capital, knowledge, money, occupation, accomplishments, race, gender, and class.
In this chapter, I outline the status structure of the Web 2. In the tech scene, status is contingent on valuing openness, transparency, and creativity, which manifests as participation in the culture of techno-business, sharing personal information online, and the ability to command and maintain a large audience. I use a Values in Design approach to understand how social media displays and maintains the complex inequalities between high and low status people in the scene.
I look closely at the status affordances and emergent status signals of the microblogging platform Twitter to explain how technical infrastructure affects the way status plays out in different contexts. I show how the status structure of the scene is deeply influenced by the ethos of Web 2. Thus, the self-presentation practices described in the rest of the dissertation are deeply influenced by the commercial networks of the technology scene.
The third chapter discusses micro-celebrity. I briefly overview the history of celebrity, different perspectives on celebrity and fame in media and cultural studies, and identify and explain the changes in celebrity brought about by social media. I then examine micro-celebrity as a practice. Micro-celebrity can be understood as a mindset and set of techniques in which the subject views his or her friends or followers as an audience or fan base, maintains popularity through ongoing fan management, and carefully constructs and alters online self- presentation to appeal to others.
I look closely at how micro-celebrity operates within the technology scene, using a case study of relative newcomer Adam Jackson to exemplify micro-celebrity practice. Next, I look at how people in the tech scene talk about micro-celebrity. Micro-celebrity can be understood as either a status people achieve or an ascribed position people are assigned. I also discuss the experience of micro-celebrity, the motivations for it and the positive and negative consequences. I use New York tech celebrity Julia Allison as a case study to show how micro-celebrities are scrutinized and their actions policed, much like mainstream celebrities.
Many micro-celebrities experience the negative aspects of mainstream celebrity without the protections and benefits available to the truly famous. Finally, I look at celebrity as a status system and analyze the pictures, blogs, tweets, and so forth produced as part of micro-celebrity which exemplify what I call aspirational production. Aspirational production also applies to community creation of media about micro- celebrities to emulate a mass celebrity culture.
It interpellates members of the technology scene as spectators in a culture that is as high-status as that of celebrities. The fourth chapter looks at the discourse and practice around self- branding in the social media scene. I review the concept of self-branding and how it is talked about and experienced in the technology scene. Both books are how-to guides on becoming a successful entrepreneur using social media, but also function as explicit instruction manuals in surviving without an economic safety net.
Creating and promoting identity through social media becomes the linchpin for financial success. I introduce the concept of immaterial emotional labor to describe the practices that people go through to create and promote this self, which involves creating and establishing relationships with others, revealing vulnerable information in a performance of authenticity, and complete identification with the enterprise subject.
Thus, neoliberal ideology is converted into books, seminars, and videos, instantiated technologically through social media, and operationalized through self-presentation strategies and interpersonal practices. I frame self-branding as a neoliberal fantasy of how social media could best be used. In the final chapter, I examine lifestreaming as an instantiation of the Web 2.
By sharing personal information with others, people receive benefits such as affective ties to a community, support, and social status. Lifestreaming affects the real-world social life of participants as the emergent layer of social information can lead to conflict and drama. As a result, some participants feel anxious and overwhelmed. To understand these processes, I think of them as publicizing the self to a networked audience.
Social status and visibility serve as powerful motivators, and the interconnectedness of lifestreamers result in both benefits and drawbacks. The ideals of openness ignore the dangers of transparency and serve the business models of Web 2. In the technology scene, online status-seeking is immensely important because it has tangible impacts on face-to- face communication. High online status opens doors, and the lines between cultural, social, and financial capital are blurred.
But what is high status in social media is typically what benefits technology companies, neoliberal discourse, or both. A verifiable identity makes it possible to leverage status across websites, but it also makes it simple to track people as they move around the web. A strong self-brand is a self-regulating mechanism that functions as a response to economic uncertainties.
And while the social information created and shared through social media strengthens social ties, it does so in a limited way. Social media furthers an individualistic, competitive notion of identity that encourages individual status-seeking over collective action or openness. Instead, I am interested in what acts are rewarded, and what is viewed as normal, in a particular group of users.
Not everyone uses social media in the ways that I describe in this dissertation. Perhaps only a small percentage of people do. Groups of people interpret and use technologies according to their own traditions and values. I chose to conduct fieldwork in the Web 2.
Tech companies write press releases and stream press conferences promoting their creations as revolutionary and ground-breaking. The specificity of this social context to Web 2. It is also the people who create Web 2. While social media is used in a dizzying variety of ways world-wide, many of the presumptions about use and users follow from Silicon Valley and San Francisco culture.
In this dissertation, I try to shed some light on these taken-for-granted assumptions. Understanding the presumptions and discursive notions of self, other, friendships, and status promoted within the technology scene helps us to uncover some larger notions embedded in social media applications themselves; but this does not imply that users will receive or act upon these notions in the same way that the technology scene does.
They are the same people that Silicon Valley has celebrated for fifty years: young, white, rich, men. The communicative infrastructure of the Valley rewards quantifiable metrics, like venture capital raised, number of Twitter followers, company valuation, employee number, and stock options. The techniques that are required to achieve status in Silicon Valley do not celebrate, for instance, outspoken women, discussion of race in technology, or openly gay entrepreneurs. An amassing of attention is excellent, but to get attention, it is best to fit a narrow set of social norms.
When I started this project in July , the economy was vastly different than in Like the dot-com boom before it, Web 2. Those claims are heard less frequently nowadays. People who spoke lovingly of a new age of participation and equality facilitated by Web 2. This project was conceived as a response to a celebratory rhetoric which has significantly diminished. However, that does not mean that the critique of Web 2.
The techniques that people use to gain status in the scene—lifestreaming, self-branding, and micro-celebrity—are in many ways prescient. They reflect a fragmented economy that celebrates individualism as it eliminates job security, a popular culture based on celebrity, publicity, and attention, and an incredible rise in the number of social technologies available to the average American. Social media represents a cultural shift in the broadcasting and sharing of personal information, one with long-term implications on social interactions, privacy, social status and social hierarchy.
The term stuck. By , the technology industry was bubbling over with enthusiasm for social network site success stories, YouTube celebrities, user- created content, and exciting young entrepreneurs like Mark Zuckerberg of Facebook and Kevin Rose of Digg. Blogs like TechCrunch, BoingBoing and Mashable fueled readers with a steady diet of stories and gossip about the possibilities of these new, liberating technologies. The Web 2. It celebrated the adoption of social technologies as a precursor to a better, freer society, and framed the collection and sharing of information as the bedrock of this ideological revolution.
Any institution that prevented people from accessing information and using cultural products as malleable raw materials for creativity, like the Recording Industry Association of America, the Sonny Bono Copyright Extension Act, or Digital Rights Management, became an obstacle to overcome, through organized, collective action if necessary. Like many emerging forms of media, Web 2. Popular discourse framed these technologies many different ways over the years.
That the most recent instantiation of CMC is considered democratic, participatory, and a challenge to institutional structures is due to an intertwined history and geography of the Northern California landscape from which it emerged. Northern California is an economic center with a long history of generating immense wealth from technologies, including transistors and micro- electronics, video games and dot-com companies. Fred Turner, among others, has documented the close ties between s counter-culture like the New Communalist movement and early computer pioneers Markoff ; Turner ; Turner But Web 2.
These countercultural movements are not discrete, but overlapping and simultaneous. For example, anti-corporate activists and zinesters both argue that media consolidation has homogenized mass media, creating toothless journalism that does not check corporate or government power. In Web 2. Thus, Web 2. Figure 2: Ideological Roots of Web 2. Google, for example, which owns YouTube, Blogger, and various other Web 2.
While most of the activist countercultures I discuss in this chapter reject structural capitalism, Web 2. This chapter frames Web 2. To unravel the assumptions within it, I examine the technology, ideology, and community of Web 2. I identify two technical developments which facilitated social media adoption: the popularization of broadband internet access and Ajax, which allowed developers to build web- based applications as interactive as those designed for desktop computers.
In the second part, I look at four counter-cultural traditions—hacker culture, zines, anti- corporate activism, and techno-utopianism—and identify their contributions to Web 2. I relate the history of San Francisco techno-capitalism, specifically the dot-com boom and the cyber-libertarian Californian Ideology, and its contribution to Web 2. In the third section, I examine the emergence of the Web 2. A collection of individuals, predominantly white male developers committed both to the core Web 2.
Part One: The Technology of Web 2. Today, both terms are used expansively to indicate any website or application that facilitates interaction between people, data-sharing, open exchange of information, and user-contributed content, such as social network sites, mobile applications, or instant messaging services. Theorists often discursively construct Web 2. Popular Web 2. Because both social media and Web 2.
This shift brings about actual changes in interaction, but the underpinnings remain the same. Claims of Web 2. Similarly, the communication technology popularized by social media did not originate in a flash of blue light. It was developed gradually in an ongoing process. Social media combines elements from earlier forms of computer- mediated communication, including tools developed in military, corporate, and hobbyist circles.
Although Arpanet was created by the US Department of Defense DOD in to share technical papers and scientific data, the instantaneous, non- geographically bound communication medium quickly lent itself to non- academic, non-governmental use. By , 75 percent of the traffic on what was now known as Darpanet15 consisted of e-mail, mostly between academics and researchers Sheldon Darpanet quickly extended beyond its intended use and became a source of both entertainment and meta-textual discussions about technology, both characteristics of the internet ever since.
At the same time, computers became more accessible. In the early s, arcade and console-based video games enjoyed a huge rise in popularity Kent While home systems like the Atari, the Apple IIe, and the Commodore Pet were primarily intended for non-networked applications like programming, gaming and word processing, modems made it possible to log into a remote system via a phone line.
Eventually, proprietary commercial services like America Online, Prodigy, and CompuServe connected users via modem to walled computer networks, where people could shop, post on message boards, play games and chat with other users. By the time the first web browser launched, these early services had set groundwork for a fairly significant portion of the population to be comfortable with online communication, creating spaces where people with common interests could meet, share information and form social networks that often spilled over into real-world interactions.
Two Duke University post-graduate students invented Usenet, a network of topical discussion forums, in Abbate , ; Griffiths Today, Usenet consists of hundreds of thousands of public discussion forums, organized hierarchically by topic. A MUD, or Multi-User Dungeon, is a textual chat world that allows many players to connect at once for gaming or socializing. Users connect to an IRC server, like freenode. There are thousands of channels on most IRC servers, covering an enormous variety of topics; channels can be created by any user, and cease to exist when all users leave.
Channels range from general chat like hottub or 20somethings to more specific interests like gaymuscle or latinmusic;16 some are transient, while others are well-established communities, with regular users, customs, and slang Liu These textual internet technologies were different from Web 2. They were unimodal, non-commercial, their code was made widely available for replication or alteration, and they typically ran on academic networks.
First, before Mosaic, most internet applications were solely textual and required some degree of familiarity with fairly sophisticated technology. This opened the door for thousands of commercial ISPs to provide dial-up connections, many of them cheaper than the proprietary AOL and CompuServe networks Segaller , ; Abbate , As home use increased, schools and workplaces began to offer internet connectivity as a matter of course.
As a result, the number of internet users increased exponentially during every year of the late s Coffman and Odlyzko In , which marked the beginning of the dot- com boom, the number of websites grew from , in January to 1. By the end of , there were more than million websites Sheldon Although Amazon was founded in and eBay and Craigslist in , most sites in the early s were personal homepages, the precursors to both blogs and social network sites. Webcams began operating in , and in , the first camgirl, JenniCam, started broadcasting a constant internet feed, foreshadowing video- blogging and lifecasting Senft Both LiveJournal and Blogger launched in , popularizing online journals and weblogs.
These user-created content sites were clear precursors to Web 2. Most of the celebrated dot-com companies concentrated on e-commerce, selling things over the internet, like Amazon. Another type of dot-com company hired copywriters and designers to create e-zines, web magazines and online newspapers like Slate and Suck.
While the dot-com boom normalized the internet as a lucrative business platform, it did not, for the most part, monetize computer-mediated communication. There were, of course, exceptions. The Internet Movie Database began as a project on the Usenet group rec. Geocities provided free hosting for personal homepages in exchange for banner ads, while ChickClick was an advertising network for slick, feminist-oriented content created by women.
Ajax makes it possible for developers to build web-based applications that rival desktop software for functionality. For example, before Ajax, web-based mail like Hotmail required a page refresh every time the user received, read, wrote, or sent a message, which was slow and clunky in comparison to desktop clients like Outlook or Eudora. Even sites that are not full-on web applications use Ajax to lighten server load or improve user experience Wikipedia Contributors b. A second development was the mainstreaming of broadband internet technologies in the United States.
By , that number had jumped to 42 percent, and in 63 percent of Americans had broadband internet at home Horrigan ; Horrigan Today, by far the most traffic worldwide in bytes comes from peer-to- peer file sharing, which lets people easily copy and download digital files from each other iPoque P2p was popularized by the mp3-sharing network Napster, which relied on a central database to share files, was declared illegal, and subsequently shut down in Many other popular p2p applications came to prominence in its wake, including Gnutella, eDonkey, SoulSeek, LimeWire, and Kazaa, many of which were similarly challenged in the courts.
In , Bram Cohen invented the BitTorrent protocol. BitTorrent is decentralized and allows for the quick transfer of very large files—a 1. Because BitTorrent is a protocol and not a website, it is much harder to shut down, and although file-sharing copyrighted content remains illegal in the United States, BitTorrent is thriving. Of course, all this free sharing of primarily copyrighted digital content did not go unnoticed.
This industry attempts to protect intellectual property of all kinds, from designer bags to pharmaceuticals and agriculture, using legislation, global policing, and surveillance , It has been extremely visible in its defense of media and software copyrights, and is absolutely loathed by digital advocates as a result. Vaidhyanathan writes: If the music and film industries continue to tighten the reins on use and access, they will strangle the public domain and the information commons.
This trend presents a much greater threat to American culture than just a chilling effect on scholarship. Shrinking the information and cultural commons starves the public sphere of elements of discourse, the raw material for decision- making, creativity, and humor , These assertions and others like them are an integral part of Web 2.
As a result, technologists of all stripes have become well- versed in the intricacies of copyright law. Similarly, there is a quasi-religious advocacy of p2p software as a literal instantiation of Web 2. The other technological advancement that spurred broadband adoption was streaming video. Web browsers have supported animations and video since , but streaming video was rare until broadband internet access and faster CPUs became standard.
Online cams like the CoffeeCam , online in and the FogCam showed still pictures, refreshed regularly: the CoffeeCam updated every three minutes Elais However, online video was still primarily something people watched, rather than something people created. YouTube let users easily upload and share videos, which could be embedded and watched from blogs, social network sites, and other web pages. According to YouTube, in the site served one hundred million videos and sixty-five thousand uploads per day, and twenty million unique users every month Google Inc.
Just as automated blogging tools like WordPress and Blogger made it possible to publish content online without HTML knowledge, YouTube made it simple to create and share streaming video. YouTube quickly became the central repository for viral clips, pirated media, old television shows, user-created content, video blogs, music videos, and animations. All of this was made technically possible due to both increased broadband adoption and the plummeting cost of data storage.
It was not inevitable that these technical developments would be framed within an ethos and aesthetic of liberatory, idealistic participatory technology. Like a hydra, this content usually pops up elsewhere; sites like Surfthechannel. Likewise, in , NBC launched Hulu. Part Two: The Ideology of Web 2. This philosophy espouses transparency, openness, creativity, participation, and freedom.
It holds that if you allow people to collaborate and create their own content—writing, news reporting, entertainment, music, videos—the grassroots results will be superior to those produced by mainstream media or any centralized organization: more diverse and less subject to interference from corporate interests. Social media is said to facilitate activism, direct interaction with corporations and governments, and creative forms of protest.
The political arm of Web 2. To understand Web 2. The problems that social media ostensibly solves are drawn from myriad nodes of influence. These four nodes critiqued institutional elements of mainstream s and s culture. Grassroots media activists argued that mainstream journalism had failed to provide a check on government or corporate power.
Punk rock and zine culture encouraged people to create alternatives to homogenized corporate entertainment. Add-ing; and other endings. Match synonyms g. Write the root vord m. Match antonyms h. Alphabetizing n. Match homonyms 2. Commercial self -correcting materials, a. Reader's Digest Skill Texts Gr. Durrell-Murphy Phonics Kit Gr. Gates-Peardon Reading Exercises Gr, f.
McCall-Crabb Exercises Grades g. Durrell Word Analysis Cards Grades h. Sullivan Programmed Readers i. Pace-setters Random House Grades 1. Webster Cards Grades m. Be a Better Reader. Prentice Hall Grade 6 3. Audio-'Visual Equipment a. Record Player and Records i. Talking Alphabet and Masters - Scott j Poresman ii. Listen and Do and Masters - Houghton Mifflin iii.
Talking Storybook - Scott, Poresman b. Cassette Tape Recorder and cassettes i. Blank cassettes c. EFI Machine with Program d. Language Master id. Systems 80 Programs - Borg-Wamer f. Manipulative Devices,. Key-Lab Houghton Mifflin b. Study Scope Kit 5. Teacher Directed Materials a. Bourne Reading Depeurtment i. Instructional Games a. Word Games b. Teacher-made Games 7. Vocabulary cards with questions TIM 59b b.
A succession of perfect papers in a particular skill entitles the student to advance to the next higher level in that skill. Frequent whole class dictation exercises corrected by the student vill help develop decoding skills. Occasionally the answer sheets may be corrected bv the teacher for evaluation. The steps for achieving each objective are: Step 1.
Selection of a Learning Objective, The sequential order of skills vill enable the teacher to select the appropriate objective. Step 2. Informal Pre-Test. Testing may be oral or written. Step 3a. Successful Performance on the Pre-test. They Thrill be engaged in recreational and functional readings using and improving the skill to acquire knowledge. Then they will repeat Step 1 with the next objective. Step 3b. Selection of Appropriate Materials for Instruction.
Students who were unsuccessful on the pre-test will need instruction. The teacher xrill be guided in the selection of methods and materials by her observations of the pre-test results. Step U. In the basic instructional phase the teacher will work with various materials and media to enable learners to achieve a change in "behavior" as stated in the specific learning objective. Tasks for any one skill should be planned sequentially from easy to difficult.
Step Diagnostic Evaluation. A witten test is one method of evaluation. Others are teacher observation of the learner's performance when he is dealing with the skill and observation of his performance on skill exercises. Duplicated worksheets, self- directing materials and specific workbook pages which deal with the particular skill will all provide a measure of the student's success. Considerably more practice will be needed at this level to achieve masteiy than is needed at Level 3a.
Step 6b. Plan Prescriptive Teaching Strategies. Students who are unsuccessful in the die'jnostic evaluation Step 5 will require reteaching. Attention to the most effective channel of learning Visual, Auditory, or Kinesthetic for each student will influence the choice of methods and materials. Step 7. Prescriptive Reteaching. Individual assignments utilizing a variety of approaches are needed. Tutorial help by another students teacher aide or the Reading Specialist would be employed here.
Step 8. Successful performance on prescriptive activities indicate the learner has achieved the objective. If a written test is desired, the teacher may use another form or the same instrument that was used for earlier evaluation. Step 9b. Skills SRA Labo! Reader's ; Digest 8 Friday! We wish to provide the necessary reading skill experiences which will enable the student to cope with' his daily reading tasks during any period of his life. The interpretation of these goals into a coordinated total reading program were evident.
To implement the goals mentioned, the program consists of three major parts: a Developmental Reading Program; a Remedial Reading Program; and a Consultant Service for these programs and the faculties of each of the schools. The Developmental Reading Program is taught by classroom teachers from kinder- garten up through the eighth grade.
Each teacher in this program is concerned with adjusting reading instruction to each student's level, progress rate, special skill needs, and providing for self-direction, enrichment, and social learning. The classes at the Junior high schools meet daily on a half-year basis for each grade. This is an elective program uhich meets three times per week. The Remedial Eeading Program is taught by Reading Center teachers who hold classes for approximately forty-five minutes each day except at the high school level where the student is scheduled for remedial reading three days per week.
Each Reading Center class is composed of six to ten pupils. Yoiir responsibility as a Teacher of Reading you are an important member in the over-all co-ordinated program. As a developmental reading teacher, your prijiary responsibility Is to provide effective reading instruction in your classroom during the reading period.
In order to accomplish this,, you must be concerned with each child's reading level, progress rate, skill needs, enrichment, and his effective use of classroom time. You will provide for self«-direction and mutual aid in learning by using flexible grouping techniques based upon the needs of the class. Carry out a well organized program with constant use of informal evalua- tion techniques. Discuss special techniques that might be valiiable in making sure that his progress will continue with the regular class work.
Help in the administration of all necessary tests to be given by the reading department. Standardized tests. Informal tests. Post all testing results to Cumulative Record Folders. Help in distribution of materials to all teachers and in the exchange of teacher ideas and materials already in existence. Duplicated materieds c. Pupil textbooks for co-basal and supplementary use.
U, Be prepared to make games devices, word cards g worksheets p etc. Distribute worksheets to teachers. Maintain a skills file of devices and techniques for teacher use. For Classes a. Keep a plan book b. Check each child for specific difficulties. Evaluate progress at regular intervals d. Keep records of progress e. Record on yellow cards informal analysis scores. Be prepared to submit to Central Reading Office the following: a.
Inventory of books and materials twice a year. List of pupils in cleusses and monthly reports of pupils leaving and entering these classes. Written weekly reports of the status of the program according to Guide for Weekly Reports. Written quarterly reports of reading level distributions by classes. Explain location of materials Familiarize students vith materials by scanning. Interest inventories filled out by students.
Second Week Testing Diagnostic test to determine reading levels and skill weaknesses, four parts — fifteen exercises each Third Week Assign reading levels and westk skill areas. Teach students hov to do, to correct, to evaluates and to record work. Acquaint student with individual lesson plans by starting on McCall-Crabbs or other materials for pujrpose of teaching self -direction. Fourth to Fifth Weeks Utilizing individualized lesson plans in planning reading cycle which consists of work on their own level from a variety of materials used to overcome specific skill waeknesses gleaned from test results.
Teacher directed lessons for meeting the observed needs of a small group, individual, or whole class should be developed by the teacher on a daily basis. Be available to carry out such projects as the Coordinator may assign during the month of September, h. Begin formal and informal analysis of each student as soon as possible.
Prepare materials that may be used by other reading teachers as well as in your own classes. Submit a xrritten report of class activities each week and a statistical re- port at the end of the month. Plan conferences with teachers in order to keep them inforaed of student progress in your classroom and so that you may learn his progress in the regular classroom situation. Be available for parent-teacher conferences upon the request of the principal or an individual teacher.
Keep the prinicpal informed of your activities at all times. Administer formal reading tests in June to all students who have attended your classes. Bring all reading records up to date. Make out trritten reports on the progress of each student at least one week prior to the close of the marking period and give them to each regular class- room teacher for distribution with report cards.
One student working on rate and comprehension cn the SRA Rateometer. Some students working on S. Comprehension 3. Int erpr et at i cn k. Study Skills 5. The object of this course is to develop a permanent reading habit so that reading will become an enjoyable e:cperience.
An individualized lesson plan enables him to plan his work accurately in advance. A parent conference Tfith the reading teacher is welcomed at any time by appointment 5 for further explanation of a student's reading performance. At Gr.
Word Families roots h. Sounds vowels consonants 5- Dictionary m meanings alphabet pronunc i at i on 6. Comprehension sentences paragraphs 7. Interpretive inference End of Program 1. Context word meaning 2. Dictionary meanings alphabet pronunciation 6. The greater a person's reading ability , the easier it is for him to obtain and digest information and the more pleasure he is able to gain.
With these facts in mind, the Bourne Public School's reading program seeks to devel- op in each student the ability to read to his fullest capacity. Most students, even the best, will find some skills in which they are weak and which can be improved to increase their reading power. It is the Job of the reading teacher to help each student determine the areas wherein his particular weaknesses lie and to direct him toward activities which will help him overcome these difficulties. The materials used in the reading laboratory to help reach these objectives consist of various tests, exercises, books, and visual materials.
Tests are given throughout the year to determine the student's reading levels and skill weaknesses. Exercises are then chosen from books, the skill practice work- books at each pupil's own reading level. Specifically speaking, this is a day by day procedure in drills to perfect certain skills. As each student progresses in reading a higher degree of com« prehension should follow.
Emphasis on speed in reading is used only after basic skill weaknesses are removed. Speed for speed's sake is never encouraged, but rather an ability on the part of the student to adjust his rate of reading according to the partictilar puarpose involved.
These include : 1. Skill text Diagnostic Test U alternate forms 2. These tests include: 1. Tactics I Diagnostic - Evaluation Test 2. Basic Reading Skills Survey Test 3. Morrison-McCall Spelling Lists 5.
Phonetic Spelling 7. Word Pronunciation 8. A cycle is then established for each student to apply specific skills on reading levels, renenjering the need to eliminate first level skill weaknesses before going on the higher levels of reading, namely comprehensioii and interpre- tation. This reading cycle consists of two skill practices and one applied reading in that order. The student's lesson plan is made but with the number and date of each week.
It contains a list of books and workbooks. In the space provided beside the particular book he is using the student writes the name of the skill practice he intends to do and the page where he will find It. His corrections are made in pencil by circling the incorrect answer and witing the correct answer.
It is important that he checks to see why his answer is wrong and to understand the correct answer. The teacher is there, of course, to answer any questions he may have. For his applied reading the student may choose a story from any book in his particular reading level. He may read the story first or do the skill practices first, depending on the particular exercise involved. After each cycle is com- pleted the student should have a conference Td.
Then he goes on the highest level — Interpretation — after which he works in the area of study skills or subject matter skills in direct relation to his particular weelcest area e. This is done not only to increase speed of reading, but also to encourage varying rates of reading. The students enter room quietly and take assigned seats; they read something or go after necessary materials while waiting for their folders. Tlie monitors pass out folders from the cabinet near the entrance, 3.
The students work on materials and exercises planned on their in- dividualized lesson plans which are kept in their own folders. The student's reading cycle consists of two skill-practice exercises one applied reading activity as indicated on the student's individual lesson plan. The materials are multi-level and self-correcting which means that each student is working according to his progress rate with materials' found to be appropriate for his tested reading level and for his specific skill weaknesses.
Any changed answer must be checked by the teachers or the the student must draw a blue or red pencil line through the changed answer before receiving the answer key. All answer keys and teacher's manuals are located on the shelves directly behind the teacher's desk. The monitors must collect the folders at least two minutes before the dismissal bell rings; the other students must return materials, chairs, etc. NOTE: The teacher when not teaching a group or the whole class is to walk around the room during the independent class activity and offer help and advise each student as he is working on his individual lesson.
However, all procedures must have laaterials to support them, therefore, ve must taie a look at the various materials available. These are the handbooks which are passed out and collected by the monitors during each reading period. Included in this handbook are record sheets and forms that are kept by the student.
The correct method for keeping each is explained as the need arises. The following pages will explain several record sheets and the materials used with them. The Individual Student Lesson Plan The students take about fifteen minutes of their first period every other week and make out their plans for two weeks. These plans are arranged so that each student may perform a specific reading cycle in one of his skill weaknesses. With these lesson plans filled out correctly, each student can proceed with independent effort and less continued guidance by the teacher.
The following explanation and directions for completing a lesson plan are described below and are also included in the Handbook. Do two skill practices and one applied reading per cycle A. Skill practices: 1. First step - use a Tactics card or other skills materials ; get answer key, correct and evaluate your work.
Second step - use a skills workbook or other skills material ; get answer key, correct and evaluate your work. Applied Reading : Third step 1. Use a workbook that has a hardback book to match it. Use the index to find your skill weakness. The workbook will tell you what pages the story is on in the hardback book.
Write the pages of the story in the right-hand margin by the name of the hardback book. VJrite the pages of the workbook you are going to use in the correct space by the name of the hardback book. Read the stoiy in the book first first check the workbook page for special directions. After you have read the story, do the exerfcise in the workbook; correct and evaluate it.
Evaluate the Cycle and Write in your Evaluation. BaxT Score - put the niamber right over the number of problems. Change the fraction to a percent. Add the three percent acores and divide by three. If the average is 80!? ERIC 17 The first part of the reading cycle xrhich we call txfo specific skill exercises is performed through the use of the follorring materials: 1. Tactics cards 2. PowerBuilder 3.
Reading for Understanding 6. Dictionary 9. Your Reading Guide Tactics Cards The Tactics kit, in conjunction xrith the Diagnostic Tests gives the teacher a means of discovering which students need further practice in particular skills and the material for this practice. After determining the skill weaknesses, the students mark their plans with the card number for the skill. After the exercise has been com- pleted, the scores are recorded on the lesson plan. The teacher should closely supervise the work and direct the student in further work.
This kit provides exercises in attacking words by using context, structure, and sound clues, and the dictionary; reacting to imagery j following sequence; understanding sentences; drawing inferences; understanding paragraphs; and analyzing affixed words which have com- mon foreign roots. Power Builder The S. There are four various S. Kits in the Bourne Lab. These were mentioned by name in the preceading pages so I will discuss only the Secondary Reading Lab. The Secondary Reading Kit is made up of three parts.
The second section called the Rate Builder measures the speed of read- ing and is not used as often as the Power Builder. The third section called the listening skill builder is used several times throughout the year to check the listening ability of the students.
Each student has his own Record Sheets which he uses both to ansxfer the questions in each exercise and keep a record of his scores. More information on how the kit is made up and how the students use their record sheets can be found in the S. Teacher's Manual which comes with each kit. The exercises are mounted on cards and the answer key is placed on the back of each card.
These kite run from level k to level 12 and located for easy student use. The students do these exercises by themselves and correct them using the key on the back of each card. After they have corrected the exercise, they record their score on their Individual Record Sheet. In performing these exercises the students make use of two forms. They first use the Reading for Meaning Answer Sheet and as mentioned above they end the exercise by recording their score on their Individual Record Sheets.
After the students have completed one of these exercises the teacher should check the work 3, and malce sure the individual student is moving along as per instructions. Basic Reading Skills Jr. The students find materials in this book by use of the table of contents. After the exercise has been completed, the students correct the exercise through the use of an answer key,, and records the score on the Individual Lesson Plan.
There are two kits located in the Reading Lab. The students use this kit in much the same manner as they do when they are working with the Secondary Reading Kit. The teacher can gain further information on this kit through the use of a manual xrhich accom- panies the box. The exercises xrithin the book are composed of the blending of letters 5 prefixes, suffixes, root xrordSj etc. The students perform these exercises on paper, and correct and score them by use of the Teacher's Manual.
They record their scores on their Individual Lesson Plan. Be a Better Reader I - IV The exercises in this workbook are used to measvire such skills as vocabulairyj, comprehension, details both inferred and stated, outlining, etc. These exercises are also worked out on paper by the students. They correct and score them in the same manner as with the otlier workbooks. The students refer to the Index to Skills chart on the last page of this book in order to locate the page of any particular skill exercise.
The students iise them in the same manner and mark their Lesson Plans as such. The students also record the results of these exercises on their Lesson Plan. The workbook measures such skills as reading rate, skimming, vocabu- lfcs. These three skill areas, according to level of difficulty, are word recognition, comprehension, and interpretation.
The three areas are broken down into many sub-skills. The students do the exercises in these workbooks in the same manner as mentioned in past procedure. After completing and correcting these exercises, the students record their scores on their Lesson Plans. Here again, it shoxild be mentioned that the teacher should keep a careful check on the quality' of work done by students using these workbooks.
All of the above materials are located on shelves along the wall of the Reading Lab. The second part of the reading cycle which is presented as the Applied Reading is made up of the following materials. Listening Programs EDL, etc. Ginn Series U - 8 a. Roads to Everjnfhere b. Trails to Treasure c. Wings to Adventure d. Windows on the World f. Discovery through Reading g. Exploration through Reading Scott, Poresman Series a. Parades c. More Parades d.
Panoramas e. More PsLnoramas f. Vanguard - Grade 9 g. Thrust - Tactics Grade 7 h. Focus - Tactics - Grade 8 5. Accent: U. Grade II b. Compass - Grade 12 c. Perspectives - Grade 10 6. Scholastic 9. Reader's Digest Library Books Newspapers Magazines Each book has a workbook which the students use after covering the material in the book.
The students use the basic reader on his or her level. He then records the score on his Individual Lesson Plaii. These comments regarding specific steps and use of materials are at best only a skeleton guide to assist the teacher and student in their attempt to meet individual differences and specific skill nends,- in a more meaningful and efficient manner.
The imagination and talent of those participating in the Developmental Reading Program should govern their every effort in tiying to seek a better approach to individualized learning than outlined above. Reading Department Bourne, Massachusetts The Role of the Reading Resource Specialist The goal of the Reading Resources Specialist is to help improve reading services to piipils through teachers, by helping to identify, diagnose, prescribe, prevent and remediate, if necessary, the classroom reading needs of each pupil.
Determine the needs of all pupils and teachers in the building. Find out what the teacher is doing to meet the needs of pupils. Provide additional resources for meeting those needs. Organize a materials resource center. Knowing materials avfidlable in building.
Where they are. Assist in testing new pupils and interpret test results to aid classroom teachers in the planning of her reading program. Meet with principals on a regular basis to let them know how well the Reading Policy is being implemented in each classroom. Learning Center Approach - assist the teachers to implement the concept of the Learning Center approach in the regular classroom.
In short, is the student being compared with the correct group? A boy with an IQ of lU5 would be classified with the below average group if the average IQ of the group was Tests do not give answers to problems. They do not tell us what to do. They are designed to give additional information on the basis of which the teacher or pupil can come to wiser decisions.
Tests are aids to Judgment, not Judgment itself. Test results should not be the sole determinant of the course of action which the reading specialist should follow. The remedial program should be based on other data and should be modified as the teacher works with i;he pupil, watches his responses, and observes his progress as a result of some activities and his failure as a result of others. Test scores frequently have a direct bearing on the self-concept of the pupil.
If the test results, for example, place him in an inferior position with other members of his family or close friends, he may feel threatened by the results. The teacher must under- stand how the child evaluates himself as a reader and what reading success means to him. The teacher is on safer groimds with statements such as the follow- ing: "Does this test score fit in wiih what you think of yourself?
To Judge a school or teacher on the basis of test data only, is invalid and dangerous. The individual child's performance must be interpreted in terms of the curriculum to which he has been exposed. It is reasonable to expect less evidence of ability in reading ability than in some other areas if the pupil has had substantially less acquaintance with this area.
Accurate test results are possible only if the tests are carefully admin- istered, scored accurately, and interpreted in terms of appropriate norms. Numerous errors may and often do creep into testing. Even though the test has been standardized, we need to keep in mind the fact that the persons who administer the tests and who interpret the test data are not standard- ized. Improving the Teaching of Reading. Second Edition.
New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc. In the folloviug principles we have sought to identify at least some aspects of such a philosophy. Tests are designed basically for the purpose of understanding children better Schools at one time got along without tests » but physicians also got along without x-rays. The good teacher can understand children better by using tests. Education without testing may be target practice in the dark.
Teacher's cannot sii [5 ly believe or not. Tests are not articles of faith. Testing without the abilixy to interpret the results is rather useless, and a test score neatly recorded in a folder that is not interpreted is a waste of time w 3. Tests do not peajSure something, fixed and immutable that characterizes the pupil for all tike.
Tests do not really predict. It is more accurate to say that they estimate. The pupil needs to develop the attitude that tests merely offer samples on xfhich he is to try his skill. The tests should be looked upon, as a chal- lenge rather than as an instrument that stigmatizes him. The user of tests should ask four questions about any tests that he uses: a. Is the test valid?
Does it measure or predict whatever it is supposed to measure or predict? No test is' infallible. It is therefore highly important that the teacher utilize the resxilts of more than one test and that he obtain the best test possible. Does it measure consistently whatever it is measuring?
Is the score stable and trustworthy? Does the person taking the test generally maintain about the same ranking in a group of persons upon retaking the test? There is no such thing as reliable performance on an unreliable instrument. Is the test usable and objective? Is it practical? Is it economical?
Is the test too long? Is it too expensive? Is it easy to score? What is the norm grou:p? Record of Retention Ac present, there is no easy way of deteraining if a student has ever been retained. To save time for all teaching personnel who will make use of the information on this card, plQGise record in red ink above the student's ncme if the child has been retained.
The notation should give the grade and year of retention 9 and written on the card by the teacher in September when the child is actually retained. Back of Card This area is provided for specific informaticHi that will be helpful to the teacher next year. Included should be: 1. Areas of poor perfonuance on Informal Analysis. If program has been changed , give date and by whom approved.
List self-directing or programmed materials used with highest level completed. Level of ral reading ability with good ccanprehension. Specific skill needs. For Grades K - 3, the second box was provided in case a student repeated a grade. If a student is repeating a grade, use the lower box provided for that purpose. There are three general areas for recording test scores.
Circle any subtest and total scores that fall AT or belotr the 25th percentile. Under "Bating" give the percentile of total score. Classroom teacher's name and grade level go in the last box. Comprehension S M — 1 — IV. Specialists Needs - Tutorial A. Parent Progress Reports revision! Space needed for pupil's Grade Placement 3. On back - redefining and listing of skills covered in tutorial sessions U.
Durrell 2. Slingerland-fr Malcomesius 3. Booklet and sample copies of each report filled out Reading Department forms due by months D. Programs and Techniques for pupils having difficiaty in classroom and needing different techniques 1« Gillingham 2. Slingerland - 3. Distar in-service Workshop E. Programs for Reinforcement - Decoding 1. Merrill 2. Let's Read 3. Cracking- the-Code U. Supplementary : a.
Distar Language 2. Resourcing Classroom Teachers - continued B. Decoding 1. SRA Reading Cycle - 2. Reinforcement techniques and practices 3. Stories from each unit using Satellite cards b. Words I can Read and Write 1. Word List 2. Sight Words C. Comprehension 1. SRA Comprehensive Series 2. Other self-directing kits and materials B. Elementary Learning Center Manual 2.
Resource Specialists Handbook 1. Role of Specialists 2. Remedial outline of class procedures 3. Workshops 1. Teachers 2. Teacher-aides 3. Student - ai de s k. They talk and wite as if they equated word pronunciation id. Colleagues on the other side, among them those irho irould adopt the more extreme forms of ''individualized readings" often exhibit surprising faith that basic com- prehension abilities will appear in their pupils irith a minimm of specific teach- ing.
These are just a few of the basic comprehension skills which are often listed: Skimming to find a specific fact Reading for main ideas Reading to understand and recall a sequence Reading to see the relationship of details to main ideas. We may draw a comparison for a moment with the teaching of spelling. In teach- ing spelling we seem to be much closer to an understanding of the real fundamentals than we are in the teaching of reading-probably because spelling is a much simpler process than reading and, therefore, is easier to analyze.
We know that there are Just a few probably not more than four or five basic skills which make the difference between a good speller and a poor one. We find that we can predict the presence of a spelling problem in a youngster by listening to his oral reading. And if he is, we have a definite clue to a cause of his poor spelling. We have a good idea, too, about what to do to help him. Being a more complex act than spelling, reading is not so easy to analyze.
There is more likely to be disagreement as to what is fxindamental. Is reading for main ideas a truly basic skill? What about skimming? Or even reading a map? The remainder of this paper will be devoted to a consideration of three skills, or abilities, which, in my opinion, clearly differentiate between the reader who comprehends well and the reader who does not.
The first of these abilities is the power to find and understand various kinds of thought relationships which exist in reading materials: iti single sentences, in paragraphs, and in selections of varying length. It is as impossible to think of an idea which is not related to other ideas as it is to find a person who is not and never has been related to any other person. And ideas are related to each other in many and often very complex ways. Let us examine this fact with a simple illustration.
The parts of this sentence, obviously, are related to each other in time. We follow the trip through the museum in the time order in which the exhibits were visited. The relationship present among the parts of this second sentence is a simple listing of items. The list could he in some other order; nothing in the sentence requires any special order. Let us look at another sentence: During our visit to the museum, we enjoyed seeing the first Stars and Stripes ever carried in battle and the absorbing display of old-fashioned wedding gOT-ms much more than we did the room filled with Indian relics and the collection of old silverware.
We now have a comparison-contrast relationship. In the author's mind, the dis- plays he saw have fallen into two groups: two displays he enjoyed, two others he liked much less. An important additional meaning has been added to the sentence because the relationship of the parts is different. Once more, observe the same items but in a fourth and different relationship: Because, on our visit to the museum, we had seen the first Stars and Stripes ever carried in battle, a room full of Indian relics , a display of old silvertmre, and a collection of old-fashioned wedding gox-ms, we were able to present a successful class program in which we compared relics of the past with their modern counterparts.
In this sentence we have a cause-effect relationship. The experiences of the museum visit have produced an effect: a successful class program. The ability to observe and to use these relationships seems to be one of the basic comprehension skills. Perry reported on a study made at Harvard. Fifteen hundred Harvard and Radcliffe freshmen were assigned a chapter in a history book, about thirty pages of detailed material.
They were given no specific instruction - just study the chapter; you will have a test later which will require you to trrite a short essay and identify important de- tails. Perry reports as follows: The chapter in question is an admirable piece of exposition 9 but like many admirable chapters it makes no initial statement of its aims 5 and it takes a little while to get going.
I-Jhat we. Perry states that after twenty-two minutes of study the students were stopped and asked what they had been doing. Over ninety per cent of them said they had simply started at the beginning and read straight ahead. The results were excellent ; Perry calls them ''impressive.
Perry's report goes on:. OHe number who were able to tell us I might be argued that the moral of the story is that teachers should give better assigments. But it would seem more important to suggest that by the time young people are freshmen at Harvard 9 it is high time they knew how to set purposes for themselves. This is a oasic comprehen- sion skill. It is obvious that Perry questions whether the students he reports on had any real comprehension at all of what they read.
Contrast it again with the kind of reading a pupil will do who wants to compare the way of life in a medieval castle with that in a modern apartment building. Or, again, with that of the pupil whose responsibility to his class is to report on one very specific topic: the hazards to health of castle life.
This last pupil, if he is reading efficiently j, will skim rapidly through the material until he comes to a paragraph which seems to have a bearing on his topic, then settle down to read carefully and to draw conclusions from his reading. The pupil who thus reads. He reads with a comprehension impossible to the student who simply "reads. They have read and C.
A paragraph from a took of knitting instructions would present no problems to me; most men irovld protatly te lost Toy the end of the first phrase. Such instruc- tions are just gottledygook to the nonknitter-to the person who has no readiness. We could put most women in the same spot with a paragraph from an auto mechanicals manual. Francis Chase was talking about essentially the same basic comprehension ability in a much more ser- ious way when, after discussing the effects of what he calls simple illiteracy, he made this statement; Higher illiteracy is a characteristic of those.
Tliey cannot, in fact, understand because they have not devel- oped the ability to carry on a transaction between the world of ideas imbedded in language symbols and the world of real persons, objects, and events. The higher illiterate can absorb and repeat ideas foiind on the printed page but he has not developed the ability to relate these ideas to the life around him He does not know how to bring tibout the conscious interplay between ideas previously encounter- ed and the content of what is being read at the moment.
Chase's concept of higher illiteracy refers directly to failure to relate "the abstractions on the printed page to persons, events, and institutions of the real world. An extension of this idea includes the parallel failure to relate present reading to the residue of ideas from past reading. Many students have this back- ground for comprehension but fail to realize that they have it and fail to use it. Associational reading, the process of drawing upon all that one has experienced or read to enrich what he is currently reading, is a basic skill which requires specific teaching.
To summarize to this point: If we analyze what lies at the foundation of com- prehension, we seem to find at least three basic skills. There are several kinds of guidance that appear to help students develop and strengthen these basic skills. One seems to involve a teacher's asking the right questions. It was years later, in I, that another race, named the ''marathon,'' was run, this time as part of tne newly revived Olympic games. Baron Pierre de Cobertin arranged the race, which was von by a Greek shepherd whom nobody had heard of before as a runner.
In the I Olympics, the famous race was- run at twi- light. It began in front of the great Victor Emmanuel monument in Rome, went past the Forum and the Colosseum , and dora the ancient Appian Way. The path of the race was lit with- flaming torches held by soldiers. Consider the following set of questions based on this paragraph: 1. IThat was the purpose of the original race from Marathon? Who suggested the idea of an Olympics marathon? What is the official distance of the modern marathon?
VJhat is the meaning of the word marathon spelled with small m? To what country did the marathon honors go in ? This second set is based on the sasAe paragraph: 1. Why do the Olympic games feature a marathon race? The answer involves an under- standing of the cause-effect relationship of facts in the paragraph. Was there a marathon race in the first Olympic games?
The answer requires that the student realize time relationships in the paragraph. How clear is the picture? How coiad you make it clearer? The imagery will be vividly clear only for students XiTho may have been in Rome or those who have studied a map and pictures of the part of modern Rome in which the marathon took place.
Does anyone knoxvr of a famous American marathon race? Do you know the name of a winner of the American race? We can turn a superficial test of comprehension into a learning experience. The kinds of questions are important. So also is the timin g of the questions. Most juestions should precede the reading rather than follow it. Tliey can direct students' attention to relationships they should be looking for and.
Questions asked after reading merely test comprehension; they do not develop it. The teaching sequence goes something C. This shows them how the new content connects with the old. He also helps them set purposes for their studjr. After skimming through the pages of the lesson, looking at pictures, reading headings, reviewing what is al- ready knoT-m about the subject, and connecting it with previous learnings, the stu- dents should be able to answer questions like these: , 1.
Is this a lesson we can read rapidly, or must we study it slowly and carefully? How can we use what we find out? It is during this first part of the directed lesson that students learn one of basic comprehension skills we have been discussing: how to set purposes for reading. This study must be closely supervised and done in brief sections with younger students » As these students mature theycan do more and more alone, for they will gradually learn to keep in mind several questions and purposes simultaneously.
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